Libmonster ID: SE-494
Author(s) of the publication: G. V. SUDAKOV

It is well known that the invasion of the French army in Russia caused a sharp, ambiguous reaction in the noble society. For the common people, the Frenchman as an interventionist was an enemy from the very beginning. But for the nobles from the last quarter of the XVIII century, everything French - forms of everyday culture, literature and art, language-was a role model. It was considered fashionable not only to speak, but also to think in French. In the city estate and rural estate, two estate languages functioned: French - for gentlemen, Russian-for commoners. The war clarified the obvious thing: "although they [the French - G. S. ] became close to the higher state, being either uncles or teachers, but the higher state in Russia is not yet the whole of Russia" (Notes by M. I. Marakuev / / 1812 in memoirs, correspondence and stories of contemporaries. Moscow, 2001).

Napoleon's invasion, the associated disasters, and especially the outrages of his soldiers in Moscow between September 2 and October 11, 1812, called into question the Gallomaniacal ideals of high society. Looking ahead, we note that the war did not interfere too much with the Gallo-Omani hobbies of the nobility. F. N. Glinka turned out to be right, who prophetically wrote in his diary on November 7, 1812: "Who knows, maybe these scumbags will get better, and our people will snatch them by the hands - into teachers, not even allowing them to become humanized" (Glinka F. N. Notes of a Russian officer / / They kept the oath of loyalty: 1812 the Year in Russian Literature, Moscow, 1987). Already on January 19, 1814, Count Rostopchin wrote to Emperor Alexander: "The mania for the French did not pass in Russia" (Correspondence of Emperor Alexander Pavlovich with Count F. V. Rostopchin // 1812 in memoirs...).

For the speech situation of 1812, the most relevant phenomenon was noticed and characterized by V. G. Belinsky: "The year 12 contributed to the birth of publicity as the beginning of public opinion" (V. G. Belinsky, PSS. Vol.XII). Time itself has exacerbated the problem of creating effective means of public communication, and in fact, this is when a new Russian journalism emerged.

Let's start, however, with the most acute moment-the problems of attitude to French literature and to the French language.

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in the outline of the story "Roslavlev "(1836) about the language situation in 1812, he wrote:: "Suddenly the news of the invasion and the emperor's proclamation startled us. Moscow became agitated. There were common people [our italics. - G. S. Count Rastopchin's leaflets; the people became bitter. The social buffoons quieted down; the ladies collapsed. The persecutors of the French language and the Kuznetsky Bridge gained a decisive upper hand in the societies, and the living rooms were filled with patriots: some emptied their snuffboxes of French tobacco and began to snort Russian; some burned a dozen French pamphlets, some refused lafitte and began to eat sour cabbage soup. They all gave up speaking French; they all shouted about Pozharsky and Minin, and began to preach the people's war, intending to go to the villages of Saratov for a long journey." Roslavlev). And here is the testimony of a contemporary of those events - Maria Alexandrovna Volkova: "People are so annoyed that we do not dare to speak French on the street. Two officers were arrested: they decided to speak French on the street; the people took them for disguised spies and wanted to beat them up" (From the correspondence of M. A. Volkova and V. I. Lanskaya / / 1812 in memoirs...); " The French language is expelled, the peasants will only hear what they say in a foreign language, they will immediately grimace a terrible grimace... if, out of habit, they forgot themselves and began to speak French, the peasants now asked: are you one of those scoundrels who are robbing Russia and Moscow?"(Ibid.).

So, the problem of using the French language, at least for the period up to the end of 1812, was solved. The use of French in public communication has become a dubious, if not dangerous, fashion.

New forms of mass information and new genres of public communication are emerging.

First of all, these are the printed proclamations of the Sovereign, the Holy Synod and the General Staff. The supreme manifesto for the convocation of the militia, as is known, was announced to the people on July 6, 1812. It was immediately followed by a printed (designed on a separate sheet - for distribution and pasting) "Appeal to the Mother See of our capital Moscow!" The Synod. Because of the unusual nature of the genre itself, initially these manifestos made a crushing impression on the population of Moscow: "When I ran through it, a cold sweat broke out all over my body; horror, mixed with some painful feeling of the soul, made it difficult to see objects in their real form. This appeal on the first day frightened the inhabitants of Moscow, who were still unaccustomed, timid and talkative"; "The resolute language of the authorities and the gentry was no longer suitable and was dangerous. The proclamations and various notices issued by the Government to the people at that time were extremely kind to the public. The Synod was particularly distinguished by its eloquence, power, and truth" (Notes by M. I. Marakuev).

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The basis of these proclamations is the church-preaching style. In terms of stylistic means and genres used, one can see here the continuation of the traditions of propaganda literature of the early XVII century - the period of Troubles, for example, the syllable of the appeal of the Holy Synod: "Inspire the sons of strength in trust in the Lord of Strength. Arm with the word of truth simple souls who are open to the attacks of treachery. Teach everyone in word and deed not to value any property, except for Faith and the Fatherland" (quoted in the work: Melnikova L. V. The Patriotic War of 1812 and the Russian Orthodox Church / / Otechestvennaya istoriya. 2002. N 6). Officially, letters from high-ranking persons of priestly rank were distributed: "On September 5, we passed through the city of Efremov, where we read a prophetic letter from Plato, Metropolitan of Moscow, to the sovereign Emperor. Strong and sensitive" (Notes by M. I. Marakuev).

Royal decrees, manifestos, and proclamations were read in parish churches, followed by a priest's sermon, prayer, and divine services. Thus, secular propaganda was supplemented by religious and patriotic education.

Various critical comments were caused by printed posters - proclamations of Rostopchin. They appeared as early as July 1812 on the idea of the military governor of Moscow, Fyodor Vasilyevich Rostopchin - the first proclamation announced the conclusion of peace between Russia and Turkey: "To satisfy the impatience of those people who everywhere and from everyone and everyone asked for details, I ordered several hundred copies to be printed in the police, for distribution, with this news"(imp's correspondence. Alexander Pavlovich with Count F. V. Rostopchin / / 1812 in memoirs...).

By the autumn of 1812, posters were published daily, but no more than twenty such texts were preserved for history (see their publication: Barsuk N. V. Rostopchinsky Posters, St. Petersburg, 1912). Other testimonies about these proclamations: "On September 4, we dined in Livni, where we read the poster of August 26 about the Battle of Borodino, which consisted of several lines" (Notes by M. I. Marakuev); " In Moscow, we published news that has come down to us, which stated that after a terrible bloodshed on both sides, the weakened enemy retreated for eight versts, but that in order to make the final decision of the battle in favor of the Russians, on the next day, the 27th, an attack would be made on the French in order to force them to a final retreat. This was the official letter of Kutuzov to Rostopchin, which was placed in the printed Izvestia" (From the correspondence of M. A. Volkova and V. I. Lanskaya / / 1812 in memoirs...).

Rostopchin rightly decided that "beards will be the mainstay of Russia" (this expression is from his letter to the tsar dated 11.07.1812), but did not find the right tone in conversation with the people. In the evaluation of its posters prevailed-

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they gave negative opinions: "And the stupid posters of Rostopchin, written in the dialect of village women, completely killed the hope of the public "(Notes by M. I. Marakuev); " posters of the Moscow mayor of gr. Rostopchin put everyone out of patience with the rustic fairy-tale style, which he wanted to approach the concept of the rabble" (Ibid.). The chosen vernacular, deliberately vulgar syllable, overly pretentious intonation caused irritation in many. Posters showed the lack of national means necessary for public communication in the stylistic system of the Russian language at the beginning of the XIX century, and Rostopchinsky journalism indiscriminately mixed satire and grandeur, coarse vernacular and Church Slavonic archaisms.

Denis Davydov wrote on this occasion :" I have learned from experience that in a People's War one should not only speak the language of the rabble, but adapt to it both in customs and in clothing <...> But not write in the style of Rastopchin's announcements. This offends the literate, who see contempt in the fact that they are written in an area dialect" (Davydov D. V. Diary of partisan actions of 1812 / / The oath of loyalty was kept: 1812 in Russian literature. Moscow, 1987); " Polina was engaged in one politics, did not read anything, except newspapers, Rastopchinsky posters, and did not I haven't opened a single book... Count Rastopchin's police announcements were exasperating her. Their joking style seemed to her the height of indecency" (Roslavlev) - this is Pushkin's assessment of this genre of mass agitation.

Fortunately, the agitation and propaganda practice of 1812, perhaps only in Count Rostopchin, was impulsive and anarchic in nature. Other official propaganda literature, which researchers did not have complete information about for a long time, also had a higher level. On the initiative of the University of Tartu professors A. S. Kaisarov and F. E. Rambach, a real propaganda center was created at the General Staff, the core of which was a field printing house. The initial goal, as the initiators wrote in the service note, was to conduct explanatory work in the enemy's troops and among the population of neighboring states (Latvia, Poland, Germany), as well as to explain Napoleon's aggressive plans to his people (see the book "Leaflets of the Patriotic War of 1812: A Collection of documents"., 1962). In addition to leaflets, the military newspaper Rossiyanin was published in the field printing house.

The first leaflet with a circulation of at least 600 copies was published around July 20, 1812. It was an appeal by M. B. Barclay de Tolly to the residents of Pskov, Smolensk and Kaluga provinces with a call for armed struggle against the enemy (here are fragments of this appeal): "Philistines of Pskov, Smolensk and Kaluga! You, the truths-

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dear sons of the fatherland, loyal subjects to their monarch and fearless defenders of property! Hearken to the voice that calls you to your own comfort, to your own security... many of the inhabitants of the Smolensk province were already awakened from their fear. They, armed in their homes, with a courage worthy of the name of the Russian, punish the villains without any mercy. Imitate them, all you who love yourself, the fatherland and the sovereign! " (Leaflets of the Patriotic War of 1812). The idea of protecting the Fatherland and protecting property, as well as the appeal to the inhabitants as true sons of the Fatherland meant a new concept of war: it is Patriotic (for the sake of protecting the Fatherland), it is nationwide (a call to the people to deployment of the partisan movement).

Two days after the first leaflet was published, Barclay de Tolly's appeal to the Russian nobles to defend the Motherland was published: "The invasion of the Russian land by great forces of enemies arouses in each of us the spirit of just revenge. Faith, customs, freedom, the integrity of our homes, in a word, the honor of the fatherland is in danger... Increase the strength of our armies, hurry to the ranks among the Russian soldiers... whether the distance or other obstacles prevent others from joining us, then, armed in your homes, destroy the enemy with sword and flame... Let the enemies know what our people are capable of. Let's not put the Russian lands to shame! "(Ibid.).

Leaflets were also issued on behalf of M. I. Kutuzov and the General Staff of the Army. They were distributed in the provinces to whose population they were addressed, as well as throughout Russia, contained objective information and had an exceptionally positive effect on the mood of the people: "Printed news from the army sent to the provinces, of course, has already informed you in detail about everything" (Ibid.). Thus, the General Staff was engaged not only in organizing defense, but also in organizing public opinion. Let us assume that the "flying publications" significantly contributed to the consolidation of the military idea of the Russian soldier - "for the faith, for the tsar, for the fatherland" (see this expression in the letter of the Smolensk landowner from 4-12.09.1812 in ed.: 1812 in memoirs...).

The structure of thoughts, vocabulary and phraseology that are understandable to today's Russians, the chosen syllable that reproduced the traditions of ancient Russian military stories and patriotic church sermons - everything was extremely happily guessed and enthusiastically accepted by people.

After the printed propaganda, we will put the oral speech of the commander as an example of oratorical style in the second place in importance. Kutuzov was distinguished by an unusual gift of a kind Russian friendly word: "He is a great master of gratitude-he will stretch his soul to the very tip of his nose" (Soldier's correspondence in 1812 / / 1812 in Vospomi-

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The soldiers also noted the speeches of General Miloradovich and Colonel Denis Davydov.

As for current print publications, the newspaper was the most non-operational mass media in 1812: "And in the newspapers about the occupation of Moscow was published about two weeks later. Kutuzov, informing the public of this misfortune, consoled himself with the fact that the loss of Moscow was not the loss of the fatherland, that he had locked the enemy in it, cut off the routes of his communications and food supplies. No one believed such stories at that time, they said that Kutuzov had gone mad" (Notes of M. I. Marakuev).

Only three newspapers were published at that time: St. Petersburg Vedomosti (daily), Moskovskiye Vedomosti (twice a week), and the weekly Kazanskiye Izvestiya (Russian Periodical Press [1702-1894]. Handbook, Moscow, 1959). A separate word about the magazines that were more visible to the public. First of all, "Son of the Fatherland", founded by N. I. Grech in 1812 specifically in connection with the events of the Patriotic War. It published official proclamations, journalistic articles and works of art about the exploits of regular Russian troops and partisans. Many pages of the monthly magazine Russian Messenger, published by S. Glinka, were devoted to the events of the Napoleonic Wars. It published stories about the Russian army and information about the successes in the war of 1812. Vestnik Evropy was published twice a month, edited at that time by M. T. Kachenovsky, who practiced political feuilletons and patriotic lyrics.

Communication via private letters was very common. Epistolary style-the brainchild of the late XVIII-early XIX centuries, it was letters that became the main means of transmitting information: "Letters from the army came almost every day, and old ladies looked for a bivouac on the map and were angry when they didn't find it" (Pushkin. Roslavlev); "Then received from Moscow particular [private. - G. S. ] the letters contained nothing in themselves, except news about their health and notifications that tomorrow or the day after tomorrow they would go on a pilgrimage to the Trinity "(Notes by M. I. Marakuev); " If in a week you do not receive another letter from me, then I will no longer be in Moscow. I do not know where we will go, and I do not know how I will receive your letters and write to you myself "(From the correspondence of M. A. Volkova and V. I. Lanskaya / / 1812 in memoirs...); "I often receive messages from the Valuevs; they have become so attached to me for three months, they are so familiar with us that they send me friendly letters whenever possible. The details they tell me about Moscow are extremely interesting" (Ibid.).

The most widespread and effective means of communication were rumors spread orally: "we make our way through the rumors spread among the people, which for the most part are nothing but fictions" (Ibid.).

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We will finish the story with information about literary texts created directly during the war and often distributed orally: these are primarily folk songs (Cossack, soldier). An example of such a soldier's song is the composition of a retired soldier of the Fanagoria Grenadier regiment Nikanor Ostafyev from Vologda(probably a pseudonym) dated July 5 (18), 1812 - "Song to the Russian soldiers". Here is the beginning of the text (quoted from ed.: The oath of allegiance was kept):

Dear brothers! Breast serve,
Gryanyte cheerfully on the enemy,
And then prove it to the universe,
How much Russia is dear to us!
Look, it's coming up
To us straw people;
Bonaparte releases
Different nations are a frail rabble.
They are not all in the same faith,
With compulsion, everyone goes;
In case of sensitive loss
He will be attacked.
All of Europe is waiting
This is his ruin;
Bonaparte honors
For your villain.
As early as 1812, numerous anonymous anti-Napoleonic pamphlets were published: "An appeal to compatriots found at the foot of the monument of Prince Suvorov-Rymniksky of Italy", "A Conversation between Two Russians and the true feelings of the Russian nobility when receiving the Highest Manifesto of July 6, 1812", "A conversation between a centenary resident of Moscow region and a captured French soldier", "N. S.'s vision and conversation after the burning of Moscow and the City of blowing up part of the Kremlin walls when Napoleon and his troops left it, where he was admitted without a fight and almost empty", etc. (Shvedova Nadezhda. Evil Furies svetoch: The image of Napoleon in Russian journalism of the XIX century / / Rodina. 2002. N 8). The first author's artistic patriotic works also appear, for example, Zhukovsky's poem " The Singer in the Camp of Russian Soldiers "(September-early (before 6) October 1812), a line from which we used in the title of this article.

Thus, the short-lived French invasion of Russia caused a powerful wave of patriotic upsurge, which activated public life, was vigorously reflected in various forms of speech communication in 1812, and reverberated in the fiction of the entire nineteenth century.

Vologda


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