The article examines cultural contacts, cultural exchange and cultural transmission on the eastern fringes of medieval Europe, where the interaction of various cultures of European and Asian origin over the centuries has formed a unique cross-cultural zone. Since ancient times, these territories have been the western part of the Eurasian migration route of the population of Central Asia, which became the most important factors in the formation of states in medieval Europe. The article suggests that the intersection of cultures was mainly due to the Slavic migration in the eastern direction and the southern expansion of the Varangians. Arguments are given in support of the fact that the concept of cultural exchange is not precise enough to explain the process of adaptation and assimilation of cultural values in this zone, which can be conditionally called Slavia Asiatica. A more comprehensive approach is needed to understand cultural interaction in the Middle Ages, which included many cultural subsystems such as language and writing, law and religion, knowledge, values and norms, practices, and socio-political institutions.

Keywords: cross-cultural contacts, cultural transmission, medieval Western Eurasia, Pechenegs, Polovtsians, Slavs, Tatar-Mongols.

Introduction

When analyzing the phenomena of cultural assimilation in the eastern periphery of medieval Europe, Slavia Asiatica can be considered as a contact zone characterized by multi-faceted cultural exchange and transmission. Using the concepts developed for the eastern European borders (Stokl, 1953; Goehrke, 1981), I mean the territory that stretches from the Danube to the Middle Volga region and goes far beyond the area that is traditionally considered in connection with the tense relations between Kievan Rus and the Steppe. Thus, my approach to the research space will differ from those usually applied in the context of Central Europe and the Caucasus (Korolyuk, 1972; Arutyunova-Fidanyan, 1999; Udaltsova et al., 1980). Many of these concepts are rooted in a Byzantine-centric orientation and reproduce the traditional view of Greek civilization and the "marginal cultures of the Ecumene" (Nippel 1990, p. 21). This dichotomous way of thinking was popularized by Herodotus ' perception of barbarians and is still reflected in the concept of "barbarian borders of the empire" (Osterhammel, 1995, p. 108 - 110; Obolensky, 1982, p.304 - 305).

At the same time, it should be borne in mind that the concept of a well-defined geographical area can be misleading, as evidence of cultural assimilation occurs in various places far beyond such spatial models: in the course of trade, at court, in diplomatic missions, and in places of ritual. However, in general, such models are useful, and this concept is suitable for research purposes, since it adequately illustrates the constant interaction between different cultures of European and Asian origin over the years.-

page 84
the fall of Eurasia. A number of forms of cultural assimilation will be considered next, and a comparison of these forms will help clarify the transformations in different subsystems. Thus, priority will be given to explaining various phenomena in their specific context, rather than analyzing individual examples in depth, which will give a more complete picture of the development of cultural borrowing and innovation.

Slavia Asiatica of Western Eurasia in space and time

Historically, the Slavia Asiatica contact zone first emerged from the dark past in the lands north of the lower Danube, when in 578 the Avars of Kagan Bayan drove back the Slavs ' leader Davrentius to the forests at the request of the Byzantine Emperor Tiberius II Constantine (Dolger, 1924, p.7; Pohl, 2002, p. 67-68). It is believed that this event caused the Slavs to leave the Middle Danubian Plain and establish new settlements as they moved north. Bypassing the Pripyat marshes from the south and north, in the VI-VII centuries. They reached the Middle Dnieper and the Baltic Sea (Fritze, 1979). Although linguistic data confirm the proximity of the Slavs in the Alanian period to the Balts in the north, the Finno-Ugric peoples in the east and northeast, and the Iranians in the south and southeast, in the middle of the first millennium AD in the steppes of Eastern Europe, the Turkic-speaking groups replaced or assimilated the Iranian-speaking ones (Vasmer, 1941; Udolph, 1981). In the north, the Slavs clashed with Baltic and Finno-Ugric groups, and in the south, in the 8th and 9th centuries, they came under the influence of the Khazars and Pechenegs.

At an early stage of formation, Slavia Asiatica received a significant boost from the appearance of the Scandinavian Varangians. They were merchants and mercenaries whose activities spread over long distances. From the middle of the eighth century, the Varangians began to make more and more extensive use of the Eastern European river system and established their dominance in places of strategic importance (Lebedev, 2005; Boba, 1967). Slavic settlements were used by them "as a basis for cooperation and starting points, or they were conquered and paid tribute" [Schorkowitz, 2000, p. 582; Schorkowitz, 2012, p. 124], which in the form of furs and slaves became part of trade with the Khazars, Greeks, Jews and Arabs in exchange for silver from the Middle East [Noonan, 1984; Darkevich, 1986].

For almost two centuries, Varangian trade was controlled by the Khazars, who levied tithes on it. The trade activity of the Varangians complemented the Slavic migration to the east, having the primary vector of expansion in the direction of the Volga, the Caspian Sea and the Don. However, the eastern route was challenged by the" path from the Varangians to the Greeks " along the Dnieper, when Askold and Dir took possession of Kiev in 862. To tighten their control over the trade routes and seaports on the northern Black Sea coast, the Rurikids even moved their capital from Veliky Novgorod to Kiev in 882, as a result of which they made their tributaries Polyany, Northerners and Radimichi, who were previously under the patronage of the Khazars. Finally, the Sarkel fortress, which was important for the Khazars and was built in 840-841 with the support of the Greeks to resist the Hungarians and Varangians [Zuckerman, 1997a, p. 214; Beckwith, 2009, p. 164], was destroyed in 965 by Svyatoslav Igorevich, who defeated the Khazar army together with the auxiliary troops of the Ossetians and Circassians [Artamonov, 1940; Zuckerman, 1997b; Noonan, 2001].

The ruling Rurik dynasty in Kiev was increasingly successful in avoiding Chersonesus control and repeatedly launched military campaigns against Constantinople, forcing the Byzantine Empire to accept unequal terms of trade in 911, 944, and 971 (Romanchuk, 1993; Obolensky, 1993). In addition to strengthening its position in South-Eastern Europe and in the interior of the Black Sea region, Russia continued to expand eastward, even in 985 entering into a war with the Volga and Kama Bulgars, who were tributaries of the once powerful Khazar Khaganate. As in many campaigns against the steppe empires or competing side clans of the Rurikids, the troops of Russia were accompanied by detachments of allied Torks, black hoods, Oguz and Pechenegs, and later Polovtsians. In the struggle for power, the Rurikids split at an early stage into opposing branches that fought each other. They sought allies, forging new ties by marrying into the powerful clans of the nomadic world. The Rurikids could not afford to ignore the advantages that innovations brought from this world, such as composite bows of nomads, provided.

Thus, during the emergence of Kievan Rus', the East Slavic expansion was directed to the Volga-Kama region, the lower Don, the Taman Peninsula with its ancient trade center Tmutarakan, and the Northern Black Sea region (Martin, 1983; Golden, 1990; Makarov, 2006). In the conflict with the Greek and steppe empires, an inter-cultural zone emerged, which represented the western part of the Eurasian migration route of the population of Central Asia, which became an important factor in the formation of European states in the Middle Ages. This transcontinental zone extended from the lower Danube and the outer part of the Eastern Carpathians along the Black Sea coast to the Volga-Ural region, and in subsequent centuries spread further into Southern Siberia and Central Asia.

page 85
Although the Russian princes successfully consolidated their dominance over the eastern Slavs and sometimes even won victories in battles with the newly emerged Kipchaks (1055), there is no doubt who actually controlled the forest-steppe zone. Attempts to push back the border were doomed to failure. With the advent of the Kipchaks, the remaining tributaries of the shattered Khazar world found a new shelter. These nomads, known in Byzantium as Polovtsians and in Kievan Rus as Polovtsians, took control of the trade routes of Central Asia and the Black Sea ports until the arrival of the Mongol army in 1223. The Jochi Ulus, better known as the Golden Horde, which united various political entities in the vast territory of Desht-i-Kipchak, dominated until the famous "standing on the Black Sea". Ugra" in 1480.

The emergence of alphabets as a result of transmission and languages as a result of exchange

In the analysis of early cultural contacts, languages and scripts that play an important role in cultural transformation and defining cultural zones are of particular interest. A striking example of cultural transmission is the introduction of the Glagolitic alphabet among the Slavs in 863. Prior to this, they did not have their own written language, despite the constantly put forward hypotheses in support of the existence of a runic writing system and even a recent attempt to see the Proto - Slavic inscription on the Phaistos disk [Grinevich, 1993; Franklin, 2002, p. 89-100]. Konstantin (Kirill) Solunsky, who had previously been a missionary to the Khazars and Volga Bulgars, borrowed Greek minuscules, adding elements of the Georgian and Semitic alphabets, since Greek did not fully correspond to Slavic phonetics [Jensen, 1969, p. 480-482; Barford, 2001, p.110, 215, 219]. This resulted in the Glagolitic alphabet, which was transformed into the Cyrillic alphabet during a long process of adaptation and social negotiations. The Old Slavonic language preserved this transmission in cultural memory, borrowing the Greek term "clerk" to denote a writer (Fasmer, 1964, p.560; Vasary, 1987, p. 120). The Northern runic script, samples of which are found in Ladoga, Novgorod, and on Berezan Island in the Black Sea, at the entrance to the Dnieper Estuary, was used by the Varangians in Russia for some time, but could not become a generally accepted script, although one birch bark letter of the Smolensk group contains runic inscriptions [Melnikova, 2001; Lebedev, 2005]. The runic script known from the Orkhon-Yenisei inscriptions and used by the Avars, Volga Bulgars,and Khazars was also not widely used. However, it was still used, as evidenced by a letter from the Jewish community of Kiev (c. 930) containing runic glosses, the meaning of which is still controversial [Goto and Pritsak, 1982; Noonan, 2001, p. 86; Franklin, 2002, p. 117-119]. At the same time, the Cyrillic alphabet was used more and more actively, even in the area of the Karelian language [Haavio, 1964], and also sometimes by Turkic-speaking groups, which suggests a bilingual text from St. Sophia Cathedral in Kiev [Pritsak, 1982].

The early migration of the Balto-Slavic group to the Volga-Kama region, where it came into contact with the Finno-Ugric ancestors of today's Mari, Udmurt, and Komi peoples, led to the adoption of cultural forms and concepts from the sixth century. Similar processes took place at the time when Turkic-speaking groups appeared in Western Eurasia with the formation of the early state of the Volga Bulgars between the eighth and tenth centuries. Cultural influences can be traced in Finno-Ugric lexical borrowings, especially in the Udmurt language, where we meet ad'iami (person, people) from the Tatar word aclam, which is of Arabic origin, and kuze (host) from the Volga-Bulgarian word xuza, which originated from the Persian hwaja (khwdja, khodja) and was further spread in the Eastern Old Slavonic (khozya), preserved as the Chuvash xuzalxoza [Napolskikh, 2001, p.164, 168-169; Fasmer, 1973, p. 254]. It is assumed that the Proto-Slavic language in the pre - Khazar period (370-650) included about 17 loanwords, either having a Turkic-Bulgarian origin, or transmitted by Turkic-speaking groups. These words denote important cultural concepts, for example: baran (ram, lamb), tovar (movable property, livestock), tolmac (interpreter, translator) and the book [Golab, 1992, p. 399-109; Golden, 1998-1999, p. 75-77; Fasmer, 1964, p. 123-124; 1967, p. 262-263; 1973, p. 67-68, 72].

The Tale of Bygone Years contains a story that serves as a vivid example of the multilingualism that prevailed in Slavia Asiatica: in 968, the Pechenegs often invaded the territory of Russia and repeatedly besieged Kiev. When the defenders of the city were already thinking of surrendering, a young man ("boy") from the prince's squad volunteered to inform Prince Svyatoslav, who was in Pereyaslavets, about this. Coming out with a bridle in his hands, the young man began to ask the Pechenegs in their language about his supposedly runaway horse. They considered the young man one of the Pechenegs, he freely passed through the enemy camp and reported the situation of Kiev to Voivode Pretic, who hastened to help the city [Tschizevskij, 1969, p. 64-65; Golden, 2001, p.156-158; Schorkowitz, 2008, p. 276-277]. It goes without saying that a young man would not have been able to achieve such a brilliant success with just his linguistic abilities. He should have known better

page 86
habits and nomadic customs of the Pechenegs in the vicinity of Kiev, like most of its peers. Thus, it can be assumed that knowledge of another culture, including language skills and familiarity with habits and behavior, was characteristic of this part of Western Eurasia. The Polovtsian language was also known in Russia, as evidenced by an entry in the Tale of Bygone Years dedicated to Itlar (1095), who was killed by Biandyuk, one of Vladimir Monomakh's servants [Tschizevsky, 1969, pp. 219-221]. The same linguistic situation was observed among the Pechenegs, who knew Greek and possibly Slavic languages (Shepard, 2006, p. 20). It can be assumed that the five languages that Vladimir Monomakh reported his father spoke were Greek, East Slavic, Swedish, Polovtsian, and, most likely, the language of the Volga Bulgars. Multilingualism confirms the concept of an intercultural zone.

Compatibility, reciprocity and cultural adaptation

The "Tale of Bygone Years" also contains data on other subsystems, such as legal practice, and on the compatibility of legal norms in groups of speakers of different cultures. A common tradition was to conclude peace through symbolic friendship and named kinship, such as"brotherhood in arms". When the Pechenegs were stopped by the troops that came to the aid of besieged Kiev in 968, and peace negotiations were held, Khan Kurya met Voivode Pretich with the words: "Wake up my friend!"; he also says: "I'm making tacos!" And I will give my hand between me, and the Pecheneg prince will give me a horse, a saber, arrows; he will also give him armor, a shield, a sword " [Tschizevskij, 1969, p. 64-65]. Such formation of military-political alliances was clearly limited to the participating leaders and their vigilantes. In the absence of fixed contracts, mostly characteristic of developed societies, the procedure focused on the ritual exchange of gifts and was reinforced by an oath that each party pronounced in its own way, mentioning its own deities.

It is clear from the narrative that meetings in an atmosphere of complete reciprocity have always provided an opportunity to exchange views on weapons and military organization, and thus to transfer knowledge between different cultures. Periodic military clashes at the crossroads of both hemispheres provoked retaliatory inventions and made it absolutely inevitable to borrow weapons from the enemy. Anna Komnene describes in detail the fighting force of the Pechenegs, their light and heavy cavalry, cataphracts, and the protection of infantry by covered wagons on high wheels [The Alexiad..., 1928, p. 174-175]. Nomadic Polovtsians and Tatar-Mongols used battering rams and catapults (lutsi tuzi samostrelnii) in their battles against the cities of Russia. With the help of a certain "besurmenin", a Muslim specialist, probably from Khorezm, with whom the Polovtsians had close ties (including family ties between the Khorezmshahs and the main Kipchak clans), Khan Konchak even used Greek fire in 1184/85, using oil from the Taman Peninsula, which was previously supplied by the Khazars to Konstantin Bagryanorodny [Ipatievskaya Chronicle, 1962, pp. 634-636; Blagova, 1969; Golden, 1998-1999, p. 84; Allsen, 2002, p. 267-268; Shepard, 2006, p. 24-25; Obolensky, 1982, p. 308].

In response to the new conditions of warfare in the second half of the tenth century. Russia began to build up its cavalry, and soon it began to outnumber the traditional Varangian and East Slavic infantry (oral report by M. V. Panchenko). In addition, archaeological analysis of weapons indicates the emergence of cultural differentiation due to the need to resist carriers of different military and cultural traditions: if a double-edged sword with a wide blade began to prevail in the northern part of Russia, providing the greatest effectiveness against constantly improving armor, then a saber with a one - sided sharpening-in the southern part. The hilts of swords began to be made, as a rule, slightly curved. Sabers acquired a more powerful blunt side, which allowed them to be used not only in mounted but also in foot combat against well-protected enemies [Kirpichnikov, 1976, p. 23, 26; Lebedev, 2005, p. 304-308; Petrukhin, 2005, p. 168-171].

Similar processes of transmission, transformation and adaptation of cultural values can be observed in connection with the battle axe and especially armor: chain mail (bekhterets, tehilay) and plate armor (kuyak), known since the time of the Avars, began to be used (Banzarov, 1955, p. 162-165; Kirpichnikov, 1976, p. 33-41)., 1998-1999, p. 89; Kubarev, 2006, p. 456-461]. The same applies to the mace, which is recorded in the Codex Cumanicus, where it is described as "some kind of weapon, possibly a club" (Gronbech, 1942, p. 68). The mace remains the official symbol of Ukraine even today (for possible Slavic loanwords in the Polovtsian language, see [Fasmer, 1964, p. 237]).

Duels, hostage taking, and swearing-in: Innovations that have emerged in parallel among speakers of different cultures

Duels are a vivid example of the perception of cultural elements in early legal practice, reflecting a special dialectic of the idea and form, about which the law is based.-

page 87
which appeared in its classical version at the conclusion of the "Eternal Peace" by John Tzimiskes and Prince Svyatoslav Igorevich in Dorostol in 971. The agreement was preceded by the emperor challenging the prince to a duel to avoid a bloody battle between the troops. The form of the duel was classical, since the battle between the generals followed the Western tradition, embodied in the poetry of Homer and well known among the Vikings of the Viking age in the form of holmgang.

In the eastern part of Slavia Asiatica, martial arts took the form of bare-handed wrestling, a wrestling match that often ended with the death of one of the fighters. Nevertheless, it served the same purpose as in the western part-the conclusion of a peace agreement, it was a kind of substitute for battle and a way to relieve tension in the squad. This is well illustrated by the unexpected meeting of Vladimir Svyatoslavovich with the Pechenegs in Pereyaslavl. Returning exhausted from the campaign against the Croats (993), Vladimir's troops were already preparing for the next battle when the Pecheneg Khan said:: "Let out your husband, and I'll let out mine, and I'll fight; if your husband strikes me, we won't fight in three summers; if our husband strikes, we'll fight in three summers" [Tschizevsky, 1969, P.120]. While the Pechenegs arrived at the appointed place the next morning, Vladimir searched in vain for a warrior to fight among his servants, until a man from the people came and recommended his son. Although the young man's opponent was a powerful pecheneg, who began to laugh at his height, the young man quickly got the upper hand and knocked Pecheneg to the ground, killing him with his bare hands. This short story points out the structure of relationships between rulers and their retinues, which are characteristic of the political organization of medieval society not only in Europe, but also in the steppe empires [Golden, 2001]. The duty to take care of their own squad, the lack of fighters among the Varangians and the dependence on the fighting traditions of the local Slavic population indicate the limited capabilities of the prince. Besides, victory wasn't based on the virtues of a powerful leader. The strongest athlete was chosen from the people, which was also practiced in Eastern Eurasia. Although such a person could also be a leader or prince (as, for example, in the case of the Kasozhsky (Circassian) warrior Rededei, who was treacherously stabbed by Mstislav Vladimirovich in Chernigov in 1022 during a bare-handed struggle), this was far from the generally accepted norm.

In fights with the Pechenegs and Circassians, the Rurik people were poorly prepared for martial arts in the Eastern style. Like their Varangian retinue, the princes seem to have been more accustomed to the martial arts, weapons, and military tactics of Northern and Western Europe. Without knowledge of the rules of warfare in the steppe conditions, it was difficult for them to adapt to the new environment. To do this, they would have had to live as nomads, but the princes preferred a sedentary life in their cities, leaving most of the small battles for border detachments and auxiliary troops from the allied Pechenegs, Torks, black hoods, Kaepichs, Berendeyevs, Turpeyevs, Kovuyevs, Kipchaks, and later Tatar detachments [Fasmer, 1964, p. 4]. 155; 1967, p. 252, 272; 1973, p. 83-84; Gockenjan, 1972; Golden, 1995-1997, p. 108; 1996; Vasary, 2001].

Thus, Slavia Asiatica was characterized by constantly changing alliances. The Pecheneg troops were warmly received by the Greeks in 914, but the Pechenegs participated as mercenaries in Igor's campaign against Byzantium in 944. They were treated almost exactly the same and paid the same way as the Varangian mercenaries, who came from the same cultural background as the Rurikids. This attitude included the ritual of taking an oath and giving hostages, which was first mentioned in relation to the Russian principalities during the Hungarian migration to the Carpathian basin [Silagi, 1991, p.44-53; Tschizevskij, 1969, p. 44-45]. If in 896 the princes of the Rurik dynasty and the Slavic boyars sent their sons to Almosh, then in 944 the Pechenegs had to guarantee their loyalty to Russia by providing hostages. This common practice of East Slavic steppe diplomacy is mentioned many times by chroniclers (997, 1095, 1101), and it became an almost integral part of the peace negotiations between Russia and the Kipchaks (Tschizevskij, 1969, p. 124 - 126, 210 - 217, 265]. The use of princes in the Horde is a late example of the same phenomenon, since the provision of hostages and the personal offer of loyalty was, along with the military service of the conquered elites, censuses, tribute, maintaining the functioning of the Yamal system and appointing local rulers, one of the cornerstones of Pax Mongolica [Allsen, 1981, p. 50-51].

It is impossible to say with certainty that the practice of providing hostages was not known in the pre-Jurik era. Most likely, it was simply not mentioned until it acquired significance as one of the manifestations of the growing influence of early Russia. Moreover, in the light of the Khazar rule over the Slavs (saqdliba), it can be assumed that this practice has been widespread since the seventh century (cf.Golden, 2004, p. 306). Khazar khagans took hostages, one of whom was the son of the ruler of Volga Bulgaria. Among them, undoubtedly, were representatives of the East Slavic group (Togan, 1939, p. 80, 100). For me, the question still remains whether "taking a wife" was a form of this practice or, rather, a way to get married.-

page 88
db of forming political unions. I tend to view the practice of hostage-taking not from the point of view of cultural diffusion and cultural assimilation, but as a local tradition of groups of speakers of different cultures, based on similar legal concepts.

Compatibility is also characteristic of different variants of taking the oath, the loyalty of which was never questioned, even if different deities were called to witness. An early example is the Byzantine treaty of 944, when the pagan part of Prince Igor's retinue swore an oath on Perun Hill, and the Varangian Christians-in the church of St. Peter the Baptist. Elijahs in Kiev (Tschizevskij, 1969, S. 52-53; Stein-Wilkeshuis, 2002, P. 160-168). In 1184, with the help of an oath, an alliance was concluded between the Orthodox Prince Vsevolod Bolshoe Gnezdo and some detachments of Kipchaks under the command of a noble Volga Bulgarian, who then took part in Vsevolod's campaign against Bulgar, the capital of the predominantly Muslim Volga Bulgaria [Lavrentievskaya Chronicle, 2001, pp. 369-370]. The peace agreement between the Muscovites who occupied Nizhny Novgorod and the Tatar auxiliary troops of Prince Semyon Dmitrievich was confirmed in 1399 by kissing the cross from the Slavic side and "drinking the oath" from the Tatar side [Patriarchal or Nikon Chronicle, 1965, p. 163]. Unfortunately, the source does not indicate whether this ritual is related to blood drinking, which is known in other parts of the Kipchak steppe (Desht-i-Kipchak) [Gockenjan, 1999-2000].

Eastern institutions in the service of Western States

The Mongolian presence in Western Eurasia had a huge impact on Slavia Asiatica, facilitating the transfer of cultural values from the East, accelerating or initiating the processes of cultural exchange and assimilation. Having established its dominance in the early 13th century, the Golden Horde, a small but influential part of the intercontinental Pax Mongolica, immediately chose Kipchak as the language of communication for its newly conquered subjects, the Volga Bulgars, and to some extent for Rus'. The Uyghur script, previously used in the imperial bureaucracy of Genghis Khan, was widely used until the Islamization of the Golden Horde, when it was replaced by Arabic (Vasary, 1987, pp. 116-118, 121-122). Many Kipchaks who converted to Christianity and entered the service of Hungarian or Russian rulers were interpreters of Mongol officials, for example, the servant of Yaroslav Vsevolodovich's son Shunkur, whom Giovanni Plano Carpini met in the camp of Batu Khan in April 1246. Carpini himself twice used the help of a Slav from Suzdal who knew the Kipchak language, first in Saray-Batu, and then in Saray-Batu. then in Karakorum (Carpine, 1989, p. 331). The role of the Polovtsians as cross-cultural intermediaries was noted by Julian of Hungary, who, due to the threat of a Mongol invasion in 1237, was then living in Suzdal, where he managed to translate a letter sent by Khan Batu for the third time to Bela IV demanding submission [Dorrie, 1956, S. 173-174, 177-180].

Official correspondence and labels were translations from Mongolian into Kipchak written in Uyghur script (Heywood, 2002; Fasmer, 1973, p. 561). Khan's letters were issued to Russian princes and hierarchs of the Orthodox Church. In the mid-15th century, when the Russian metropolitans were in dire need of arguments against the Grand Duke's plans to reduce their privileges and land ownership rights, and apparently believed that the status and rights once granted by the Golden Horde rulers might serve to support them, the lost labels of the Kievan metropolitans were reconstructed and All Russia, the originals of which were once translated into Old Slavonic (Priselkov, 1916; Grigoriev, 2004). The Turkic-Mongolian terminology and phraseology adopted by officials in Russia used various concepts of sovereignty and practical norms of diplomatic relations between the Golden Horde and the Hulaguid, Mamluk, and other eastern centers of power (Usmanov, 1979; Vasary, 1987, p. 4). 118 - 119, 122 - 123; 1995, p. 479]. An interesting example is the practice of petitioning during the petition. It came from the ancient Turkic (bas ur) and Chinese (kdutou) customs and meant a kneeling bow, in which the applicant touched the floor with his forehead [Golden, 1984, p.109-110; Ostrowski, 1990, p. 532, 534].

Borrowings in Old Slavonic also offer interesting examples of cultural transmission at the time. If the only notable borrowing from the Khazar period (965) is the title "khagan", then Pax Mongolica led to the spread of many terms in just a few years. Even if we admit that the concept of "kagan" was deliberately used by Metropolitan Hilarion in 1051 to use the superior concept of sovereignty (translatio imperii), we can state that there are more than ten expressions for the complex institutions that have become part of the political system (Moldovanus, 1984; Avenarius, 1988-1989; Noonan, 2001). Most of these borrowings were of administrative and military origin. So, for example, the transfer to Russian soil of the Mongolian battle order, consisting of

page 89
the center, right and left wings became a landmark for the military organization of Russia, as well as the adoption of the decimal number system and its use for military and administrative-territorial structuring [Haenisch, 1948, § 191; Spuler, 1943, S. 294, 313, 333, 377 - 378; Stokl, 1953, S. 103 - 104; Gockenjan, 1980, S. 75-77, 80-82; Schorkowitz, 2004, S. 266-269]. Elite groups for serving the prince could be created through the privileges of the tarkhan (tarxanl'iq) [Vasary, 1975, p. 9; Golden, 2001, p. 167; Haenisch, 1948, § 187] and include estates (clergy), cities, and entire ethnic groups, which can be considered as borrowing socio-political principles. The same applies to some ranks (baskak, daruga) and various tax systems (yasak, tamga), as well as communications and supply (ym) [Vasary, 1978, p.203-205; Ostrowski, 1998, p. 37-17, 253; Allsen, 2009, p. 144-145]. Even male inheritance of seniority (ladder law) and the Rurik social hierarchy (localism) are considered to be the result of cultural transmission in Western Eurasia, as is the case with Ivan III's adoption of the Mongolian personality cult (Ostrowski, 1998; Halperin, 1982; Keenan, 1967).

The terms "baskak " and" daruga "etymologically go back to the similar meanings of "push"," push", although their functions were somewhat different. If the Mongolian daruga was the ruler (head) of an administrative-territorial unit, then the similar term "baskak" among the Kipchaks could mean a tax collector or commander. Both institutions moved in different ways to the political system of Russia, acting as a model, respectively, for the "viceroy" and "volostel" (voivode) [Vasary, 1976, p. 188, 191; Golden, 1998-1999, p. 93-94; Ostrowski, 1990, p. 527-528; 1998, p. 44-45, 251-252]. Baskaks were not always part of the Khan's entourage. They did not have to be of Tatar origin. Anyone could become a Baskak by paying the khan a pre-agreed amount, which will pay off through collecting taxes from this area. Such a person was free to collect many times more than he had originally paid, sometimes even with the khan's military support. Taxation was preceded by a census conducted by Tatar tax collectors, another innovation that often met with resistance. With the growth of the Muscovite State, the Russian princes became increasingly interested in all these institutions and transforming their functions for their own purposes. For example, Dmitry Donskoy appointed a customs officer of goods (from tamga - "seal, sign") and daruga over the recently conquered Volga Bulgars of Prince Khasan and Makhmat-Saltanav in 1376 (Nasonov, 1950, pp. 82-83; Vasary, 1978, pp. 201-202; Ostrowski, 1990, p. 534).

Some phenomena that were mistakenly perceived or even deliberately reinterpreted by contemporaries as cultural clashes, when examined in more detail, turn out to be the result of ordinary attempts to demonstrate power. A good example is the glorification of Prince Michael of Chernigov as a martyr. Prince Michael, who had ordered the murder of Khan Batu's envoys in Kiev before fleeing to Hungary, decided to return when he learned that Batu was going to impose tribute on Kiev's cities. He went to Sarai Baga in 1246, but contrary to the khan's expectations, he did not submit to him and did not perform the usual rituals, so he was sentenced to death. But it was not fortitude in the face of foreign idols that forced Prince Michael to accept his death, as Orthodox hagiography describes it, but rather his failure to comply with "religiously colored government regulations" [Spuler, 1943, p. 27], more specifically, his refusal to participate in a widespread ritual that required passing between two purifying bonfires and bow to the statue of the Kagan. Thus, the papal envoy Carpini had no difficulties performing this ritual before receiving Batu [Perfecky, 1973, p. 4]. 113; Nasonov, 1950, p. 298; Carpine, 1989, p. 310; Dimnik, 1981, p. 130-135]. It should be noted that unsuccessful cross-cultural communication did not always end in death at the khan's court, as Batu's warm reception of Daniil Romanovich shows a year earlier [Kotlyar et al., 2005, pp. 118-119].

Conclusion

Although the description of the forms of cultural borrowing presented is not exhaustive, it can be concluded that contacts in Western Eurasia influenced various subsystems: language and writing, law and religion, knowledge and values, norms, skills and institutions, as well as material and non-material goods. Some forms can be characterized as the result of acculturation processes that reflect the free (natural, voluntary) "acceptance of elements of a hitherto alien culture by individuals, groups, or complex communities" [Esser, 2010, p.9], while others indicate forced assimilation. The overall picture is not uniform, and it cannot be argued that the emergence of a new political force or empire always necessarily leads to a change in existing cultural forms. Moreover, even political entities that lose their power can exert a powerful cultural influence, as demonstrated by the Finno-Ugric linguistic material, the Khazar model of power (kagan) and rule (diarchy), or Byzantine cultural values.

page 90
Some cultural innovations are related to evolutionary development and have emerged in parallel in groups of speakers of different cultures. They indicate the compatibility of these groups. An analysis of the practice of dueling, hostage-taking, and swearing shows that the recognition of cultural norms that arise from different sources, but functionally coincide, is a direct consequence of such compatibility and the main condition for cross-cultural communication.

Even those cultural components of law, religion, economic life, family ties and continuity that are perceived as autochthonous are often the result of external influences. Nevertheless, they represent cultural values whose significance probably declined less rapidly in the process of public consumption than that of other cultural elements. Social communities are not closed, but permeable entities. Taking into account the social consequences of creating groups, maintaining their identity, as well as social contracts and adaptations (Barth, 1969), cultural forms are always mixed and composite. Cultural elements of various origins accumulate like sedimentary deposits at the bottom of the sea and are assembled like a mosaic. This is what I mean when I talk about the composite nature of cultural forms ("hybridity" is too vague a term and an even less useful heuristic tool).

Cultural borrowing is the result of exchange or transmission. Cultural exchange can last for a long time and have the potential to develop relationships, or it can be short-term, without any consequences for sustainable development and without any impact. Thus, contacts and exchanges can be considered random events, they can be multidirectional, diffuse, periodically recurring, and fleeting. The concept of cultural transmission implies conscious and intentional actions. It is clear that only values of cross-cultural significance and target demand can be transmitted in this way. Unlike interchange, transmission processes are one-way and induced.

The phenomenon of episodes of cultural transmission for Slavia Asiatica in Western Eurasia can be represented as a consistent dependence on different centers (Goehrke, 2000; Noonan, 2000). The set of cultural landmarks of the peoples inhabiting this zone (Eastern Slavs, Finno-Ugric peoples, Volga Bulgars, Ossetians, Circassians), therefore, consisted of many layers that emerged as a result of interaction with the Varangians, Eastern peoples, Byzantines and Turko-Mongols. Classifying the processes of cultural transmission from a spatial and chronological point of view, we can distinguish four main directions.

1. The knowledge, skills, practices, and material cultural values that have been transmitted from Scandinavia since the beginning of the ninth century were not limited to military affairs (weapons, shipbuilding, navigation) and military organization; they concerned socio-political institutions and early legal norms [Rahbek Schmidt, 1964; Baranowski, 2005; Strauch, 1997].

2. Cultural innovations related to the economy and long-distance trade, in particular, including the monetary system, metrological devices (scales, weights), and such methods of accumulating values as hoards of chopped silver or dirhams, were perceived from Western and Central Asia in the late 9th-10th centuries [Steuer, 2007; Noonan, 1987].

3. As part of the Byzantine heritage, most intangible assets, including the alphabet, the monotheistic belief system, ideology, and the traditions of painting and architecture, were transferred from the Greek world in the late tenth and early thirteenth centuries.

4. Due to the Tatar-Mongol influence, beginning in 1235, many political institutions and administrative practices underwent significant changes during the fourteenth century and subsequently took on a new form. Pax Mongolica has caused much of the transcontinental transmission, acting as an intermediary in the transfer of cultural values from China, Central Asia, and Persia to ambitious local elites, thereby making a significant contribution to the formation of cultural identity in Western Eurasia [Allsen, 2009; Ostrowski, 1998].

Comparing the transfer of cultural values in different subsystems helps to highlight important characteristics of medieval cultural transmission, which can be useful when considering the early processes of European integration. Cultural transmission involves the transmission of specific cultural values that are not easily replaced by others. Thus, for some time there was a choice between the three religions of Scripture, but not between the belief systems of the indigenous population (Slavic pantheon, shamanism, Tengrianism) and monotheistic ones (Rohrre, 1976; Obolensky, 1982; Nikolov, 2000). Thus, the cultural influence of Scandinavia, Central Asia, and Byzantium became crucial for the eastern fringes of medieval Europe long before the Latinization of eastern Central Europe.

List of literature

Artamonov, M. I., Sarkel and some other fortifications in Northwestern Khazaria, SA. - 1940. - N 6. - pp. 130-167.

page 91
Arutyunova-Fidanyan V. A. Byzantium and Armenia in the X-XII centuries: the contact zone / / Byzantium between the West and the East: the experience of historical characteristics / ed. by G. G. Litavrin. St. Petersburg: Aleteya Publ., 1999, pp. 380-408.

Banzarov D. On the Eastern names of some old Russian armaments / / Banzarov D. Sobr. soch. / podgot. to the press and notes by G. N. Rumyantsev; ed. by G. D. Sanzhiev, Moscow: Publishing House of the USSR Academy of Sciences, 1955, pp. 161-166.

Blagova G. F. Istoriko-etymologicheskie zametki o slovakh basurmanin - moslemanin i magometanin - mukhammedanin (mohammedanin) [Historical and etymological notes on the words basurmanin-Moslem and Mohammedan-mukhammedanin (mohammedanin)]. Issledovaniya po slovoobrazovaniyu i leksikologii drevnerusskogo yazyka [Studies on word formation and lexicology of the Old Russian language], Moscow: Nauka, 1969, pp. 312-337.

Grigoriev A. P. Collection of Khan's labels to Russian Metropolitans: A Source Study analysis of the Golden Horde documents. - St. Petersburg: Publishing House of St. Petersburg State University, 2004. -269 p.

Grinevich G. S. Proto-Slavic writing: Results of decoding, Moscow: Public Benefit, 1993, 324 p. (Encyclopedia of Russian Thought, vol. 1).

The Ipatiev Chronicle. - Repr. vospr. izd. 1908-Moscow: Publishing House of the USSR Academy of Sciences, 1962. - 555 p. - (Complete collection of Russian chronicles; vol. 2).

Kirpichnikov A. N. Voennoe delo na Rusi v XIII - XV vvakh [Military affairs in Russia in the XIII-XV centuries].

Korolyuk, V. D., On the so-called "contact" zone in South-Eastern and Central Europe of the Early Middle Ages, in Yugo-Vostochnaya Evropa v sredniye veka (South-Eastern Europe in the Middle Ages). Kishinev: Stiinca Publ., 1972, vol. 1, ed. by I. P. Budak, pp. 31-46.

Kotlyar N. F., Franchuk V. Yu., Plakhonin A. G. Galician-Volyn Chronicle: Text, commentary, research. Saint Petersburg: Aleteya Publ., 2005, 421 p. (in Russian)

Lavrentievskaya letopis / podgot. edited by A. P. Tsepkov. - Ryazan: Alexandria, 2001. - 585 p. - (Russian Chronicles; vol. 12).

Lebedev G. S. The Viking Age in Northern Europe and Russia. St. Petersburg: Evraziya Publ., 2005, 639 p. (in Russian)

Melnikova E. A. Scandinavian runic inscriptions: New finds and interpretations; texts, translation, commentary. lit., 2001, 495 p. (in Russian)

Moldovan A.M. "The Word of Law and Grace" by Hilarion. - Kiev: Nauk. dumka Publ., 1984, 238 p. (in Russian)

Napolskikh V. V. Udmurt materials of D. G. Messerschmidt: Diary entries, December 1726-Izhevsk: Udmurtia, 2001. - 220 p.

Nasonov A. N. Novgorodskaya pervaya letopis srshego i mladshego izvodov [The Novgorod First Chronicle of the elder and younger platoons].

Patriarchal or Nikon chronicle. - Play back. text of the XI century from the publishing house of 1897-Moscow: Nauka, 1965. - VII, 254 p. - (Complete collection of Russian chronicles; vol. 11).

Petrukhin V. Ya. Khazar tribute and Slavs: K istorii tyurko-slavyanskikh otnosheniy v Vostochnoi Evrope IX v. [On the history of Turkic - Slavic relations in Eastern Europe of the 9th century]. Turkologicheskii sbornik 2003 - 2004: Tyurkskie narody v drevnosti i srednevedovye [Turkological collection 2003-2004: Turkic peoples in antiquity and the Middle Ages], ed. by S. G. Klyashtorny, T. P. Sultanov, V. V. Trepavlov], Moscow: Vostochny lit., 2005, pp. 166-184.

Priselkov M. D. Khan's labels to Russian Metropolitans. - Pg., 1916. - 116 p. - (Zap. ist-philol. Faculty of Petrograd. univ.; issue 133).

Udaltsova Z. V., Shchapov Ya. N., Gutnova E. V., Novoseltsev A. P. Ancient Rus-the zone of meeting of civilizations // Questions of history. - 1980. - Issue 7. - p. 41-60.

Usmanov M. A. Zhalovannye akty Dzhuchiev Ulus XIV-XVI vv. - Kazan: Publishing House of Kazan State University, 1979. - 315 p.

Fasmer M. Etymological dictionary of the Russian language. O. N. Trubacheva, Moscow: Progress Publ., 1964, vol. 1, 564 p. 1967, vol. 2, 672 p. 1971, vol. 3, 828 p. 1973, vol. 4, 856 p.

Shorkovits D. Problema proiskhozhdeniya vostochnykh slavyan i obrazovanie Kyivskoi Rus': Opyt perevaluki v postsovetskoy istoriografii [The Problem of the Origin of the Eastern Slavs and the formation of Kievan Rus: The Experience of Revaluation in Post-Soviet Historiography]. Odessa, 2012, issue 4, pp. 110-145.

Allsen Th.T. Mongol Census Taking in Rus', 1245 - 1275 // Harvard Ukrainian Studies. - 1981. -N 5 (1). -P. 32 - 53.

Allsen Th.T. The Circulation of Military Technology in the Mongolian Empire // Warfare in Inner Asian History (500 - 1800)/ ed. by N. Di Cosmo. - Leiden: Brill, 2002. - P. 265 - 293. -(Handbuch der Orientalistik; Abt. 8, Bd. 6).

Allsen Th. T. Mongols as Vectors for Cultural Transmission // The Cambridge History of Inner Asia: The Chinggisid Age / eds. N. Di Cosmo, A. Frank, PB. Golden. - Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009. - P. 135 - 154.

Avenarius A. Metropolitan Ilarion on the Origin of Christianity in Rus': The Problem of the Transformation of Byzantine Influence // Harvard Ukrainian Studies. - 1988 - 1989. -N12/13. - P. 689 - 701.

Baranowski G. Die Russkaja Pravda - ein mittelalterliches Rechtsdenkmal. - Frankfurt am Main: Peter Lang, 2005. -769 S. - (Rechtshistorische; Reihe 321).

Barford P.M. The Early Slavs: Culture and Society in Early Medieval Eastern Europe. - Ithaca; N. Y.: Cornell University Press, 2001. - 416 p.

Barth F. Introduction // Ethnic Groups and Boundaries: The Social Organization of Culture Difference / ed. by F. Barth. -Boston: Little, Brown, 1969. - P. 9 - 38.

Beckwith Ch.I. Empires of the Silk Road: A History of Central Eurasia from the Bronze Age to the Present. - Princeton, Oxford: Princeton University Press, 2009. - 472 p.

Boba I. Nomads, Northmen and Slavs: Eastern Europe in the Ninth Century. - The Hague: Mouton, 1967. - 138 p. - (Slavo-Orientalia; N 2).

Carpine G. Storia dei Mongoli / Edizione critica del testo latino a cura di Enrico Menesto; traduzione italiana a cura di Maria Christiana Lungarotti; e note di Paolo Daffina; introduzione di Luciano Petech. - Spoleto: Centra italiano di studi sull' alto medioevo, 1989. - 522 p. - (Biblioteca del "Centra per il collegamento degli studi medievali e umanistici nell' Universita di Perugia"; N 1).

Darkevich V.P. Ostslawen, Rus und Araber // Welt der Slawen: Geschichte, Gesellschaft,Kultur/Hrsg. J. Herrmann. -Leipzig: Urania-Verlag, 1986. - S. 228 - 232.

Dimnik M. Mikhail, Prince of Chernigov and Grand Prince of Kiev 1224 - 1246. - Toronto: Pontifical Institute of Medieval Studies, 1981. - 199 p. - (Studies and Texts; N 52).

Dolger F. Regesten der Kaiserurkunden des Ostromischen Reiches von 565 - 1453. - Munchen: R. Oldenbourg, 1924. -T. 1: Regesten von 565 - 1025. - 106 S. - (Corpus der griechischen Urkunden des Mttelalters und der neueren Zeit; R. A, Abt. 1.1).

page 92
Dorrie H. Drei Texte zur Geschichte der Ungarn und Mongolen: Die Missionsreisen des fr. Iulianus O.P. ins Ural-Gebiet (1234/5) und nach RuBland (1237) und der Bericht des Erzbischofs Peter uber die Tataren // Nachrichten der Akademie der Wissenschaften in Gottingen; Philologisch-Historische Klasse. -Gottingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1956. - S. 125 - 202.

Esser H. Akkulturation // Grundbegriffe der Soziologie / Hrsg. J. Kopp, B. Schafers. -Wiesbaden: Verlag fur Sozialwissenschaften, 2010. - S. 9 - 12.

Franklin S. Writing, Society and Culture in Early Rus, с 950 - 1300. - Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002. -325 p.

Fritze W.H. Zur Bedeutung der Awaren fur die slawische Ausdehnungsbewegung im fruhen Mittelalter // Zeitschrift fur Ostforschung. - 1979. - N28. - S. 498 - 545.

Gockenjan H. Hilfsvolker und Grenzwachter im mittelalterlichenUngarn. -Wiesbaden: Steiner, 1972. -261 S. - (Quellen und Studien zur Geschichte des ostlichen Europa; N 5).

Gockenjan H. Zur Stammesstruktur und Heeresorganisation altaischer Volker: Das Dezimalsystem // Europa Slavica -Europa Orientalis / Hrsg. K. -D. Grothusen, K. Zernack. -Berlin: Duncker & Humblot, 1980. - S. 51 - 86. - (Giessener Abhandlungen zur Agrar- und Wirtschaftsforschung des europaischen Ostens; N 100).

Gockenjan H. Eid und Vertrag bei den altaischen Volkern // Ural-Altaische Jahrbucher. NF. - 1999 - 2000. - N 16. -S. 11 - 31.

Goehrke C. Die geographischen Grundlagen RuBlands in ihrem historischen Beziehungsgeflecht // Handbuch der Geschichte RuBlands. - Stuttgart: Hiersemann, 1981. - Bd. 1.1 / Hrsg. M. Hellmann, G. Schramm, K. Zernack. - S. 8 - 72.

Goehrke C. Transformationschancen und historisches Erbe: Versuch einer vergleichenden Erklarung auf dem Hintergrund europaischer Geschichtslandschaften // Transformation und historisches Erbe in den Staaten des europaischen Ostens / Hrsg. С Goehrke, S. Gilly. - Bern: Peter Lang, 2000. -S. 653 - 741. - (Geist und Werk der Zeiten; N 93).

Golab Z. The Origins of the Slavs: A Linguist's View. - Columbus, Ohio: Slavica Publishers, 1992. - 454 p.

Golb N., Pritsak O. Khazarian-Hebrew Documents of the Tenth Century. - Ithaca, N. Y.: Cornell University Press, 1982. - 166 p.

Golden P.B. Turkic Caiques in Medieval Eastern Slavic // J. of Turkish Studies. - 1984. -N 8. -P. 103 - 111.

Golden P.B. The Peoples of the Russian Forest Belt // The Cambridge History of Early Inner Asia / ed. by D. Sinor. - Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990. -P. 256 - 284.

Golden P.B. Cumanica IV: The Tribes of the Cuman-Qipcaqs // Archivum Eurasiae Medii Aevi. - 1995 - 1997. -Vol. 9. - P. 99 - 122.

Golden P.B. The Cernii Klobouci // Symbolae Turcologicae: Studies in Honour of Lars Johanson on his Sixtieth Birthday, 8 March 1996 / eds. A. Berta, B. Brendemoen, S. Schonig. - Stockholm: Almqvist & Wiksell, 1996. - P. 97 - 107. -(Swedish Research Institute in Istanbul Transactions; N 6).

Golden P.B. The Nomadic Linguistic Impact on pre-Cinggisid Rus' and Georgia // Archivum Eurasiae Medii Aevi. - 1998 - 1999. - Vol. 10. - P. 72 - 97.

Golden P.B. Some Notes on the Comitatus in Medieval Eurasia with Special Reference to the Khazars // Russian History / HistoireRusse. -2001. - N28 (1). - P. 153 - 170.

Golden P.B. Khazar Turkic Ghulams in Caliphal Service // J. Asiatique. - 2004. - N 292 (1/2). - P. 279 - 309.

Granbech K. Komanisches Worterbuch: Turkischer Wortindex zu Codex Cumanicus. - Kopenhagen: E. Munksgaard, 1942. - 314 S. - (Monumenta linguarum Asiae Maioris; N 1).

Haavio M. The Oldest Source of Finnish Mythology: Birchbark Letter No. 292 // J. of the Folklore Institute. - 1964. -N1(1/2). -P. 45 - 66.

Haenisch E. Die Geheime Geschichte der Mongolen: Aus einer mongolischen Niederschrift des Jahres 1240. - Leipzig: Harrassowitz, 1948. - 196 S.

Halperin Ch.J. "Know Thy Enemy": Medieval Russian Familiarity with the Mongols of the Golden Horde // Jahrbucher fur Geschichte Osteuropas. - 1982. - N 30(2). -P. 161 - 175.

Heywood C. Yarligh // The Encyclopaedia of Islam. -2002. -Vol. 9. -P. 288 - 290.

Jensen H. Die Schrift: In Vergangenheit und Gegenwart. -Berlin: Deutscher Verlag der Wissenschaften, 1969. - 607 S.

Keenan E.L. Muscovy and Kazan: Some Introductory Remarks on the Patterns of Steppe Diplomacy // Slavic Review. -1967. - N26. - P. 548 - 559.

Kubarev G. Die Schutzwaffen mit figurlichen Lamellen als Indikator der Nomadenmigration in Eurasiens Steppenzone im 6. -8. Jh. // Arms and Armour as Indicators of Cultural Transfer: The Steppes and the Ancient World from Hellenistic Times to the Early Middle Ages / eds. M. Mode, J. Tubach, G.S. Vashalomidze. - Wiesbaden: Reichert, 2006. - P. 453 - 484. - (Nomaden und Sesshafte; N 4).

Makarov N.A. Traders in the Forest: The Northern Periphery of Rus' in the Medieval Trade Network // Pre-modern Russia and its World: Essays in Honor of Thomas S. Noonan / eds. K.L. Reyerson, Th.G. Stavrou, J.D. Tracy. - Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 2006. - P. 115 - 133. - (Schriften zur Geistesgeschichte des ostlichen Europa; N 29).

Martin J. Muscovy's Northeastern Expansion: The Context and a Cause // Cahiers du Monde Russe et Sovietique. - 1983. - N24. - P. 459 - 470.

Nikolov St. The Pagan Bulgars and Byzantine Christianity in the Eight and Ninth Centuries // J. of Historical Sociology. -2000. - N13(3). - P. 325 - 364.

Nippel W. Griechen, Barbaren und "Wilde": Alte Geschichte und Sozialanthropologie. - Frankfurt am Main: Fischer Taschenbuch Verlag, 1990. - 218 S.

Noonan Th.S. Why Dirhams First Reached Russia. The Role of Arab-Khazar Relations in the Development of the Earliest Islamic Trade with Eastern Europe // Archivum Eurasiae Medii Aevi. - 1984. - Vol. 4. - P. 151 - 282.

Noonan Th.S. The Monetary History of Kiev in the pre-Mongol Period // Harvard Ukrainian Studies. - 1987. -N11(3/4). - P. 384 - 443.

Noonan Th.S. The Impact of the Islamic Trade upon Urbanization in the Rus' Lands: The Tenth and Early Eleventh Centuries // Les centres proto-urbains russes entre Scandinavie, Byzance et Orient / eds. M. Kazanski, A. Nercessian, C. Zuckerman. - P.: Lethielleux, 2000. - P. 379 - 393. - (Realites Byzantines; N 7).

Noonan Th.S. The Khazar Qaghanate and its Impact on the Early Rus' State: The "Translatio Imperii" from Itil to Kiev // Nomads in the sedentary world / eds. A.M. Khazanov, A. Wink. -L.: Routledge, 2001. - P. 76 - 102.

page 93
Obolensky D. Byzantine Frontier Zones and Cultural Exchanges // The Byzantine Inheritance of Eastern Europe / ed. D. Obolensky. - L.: Variorum Reprints, 1982. - P. 301 - 314.

Obolensky D. Byzantium, Kiev and Cherson in the Tenth Century // Byzantinoslavica. - 1993. - N 54 (1). - P. 108 - 113.

Osterhammel J. Kulturelle Grenzen in der Expansion Europas // Saeculum. - 1995. - N 46. - S. 101 - 138.

Ostrowski D. The Mongol Origins of Muscovite Political Institutions // Slavic Review. - 1990. - N 49 (4). - P. 525 - 542.

Ostrowski D. Muscovy and the Mongols: Cross-Cultural Influences on the Steppe Frontier, 1304 - 1589. - Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998. - 329 p.

Perfecky G.A. The Hypatian Codex Part Two: The Galician-Volynian Chronicle. - Munchen: Wilhelm Fink, 1973. -159 p. - (Harvard Series in Ukrainian Studies; N 16 (2)).

Pohl W. Die Awaren: Ein Steppenvolk in Mtteleuropa 567 - 822 n. Chr. - Munchen: C.H. Beck, 2002. - 533 S.

Poppe A. The Political Background to the Baptism of Rus': Byzantine-Russian Relations Between 986 - 989 // Dumbarton Oaks Papers. - 1976. - N 30. - P. 195 - 244.

Pritsak O. An Eleventh-Century Turkic Bilingual (Turko-Slavic) Graffito from the St. Sophia Cathedral in Kiev // Harvard Ukrainian Studies. - 1982. - N6 (2). - P. 152 - 166.

Rahbek Schmidt K. Soziale Terminologie in russischen Texten des fruhen Mttelalters (bis zum Jahre 1240), aus dem Danischen ubersetzt von Wilhem Kramer. - Kopenhagen: Munksgaard, 1964. - 594 S.

Romanchuk A.I. Das mittelalterliche Cherson und die Barbaren // Byzantinoslavica. - 1993. -N 54 (1). - S. 58 - 64.

Schorkowitz D. Die Herkunft der Ostslaven und die Anfange des Kiever Reiches in der postsowjetischen Revision // Jahrbucher fur Geschichte Osteuropas. - 2000. - N 48 (4). -S. 569 - 601.

Schorkowitz D. Weidegebiete und Kriegsdienste: Zur historischen und politischen Stellung mongolischer Pastoralnomaden im Russischen Reich // Central Asiatic J. - 2004. -N 48 (2). - S. 245 - 279.

Schorkowitz D. Die Pecenegen in den Freund- und Feind-vorstellungen der altrussischen Uberlieferung: (Hansgerd Gockenjan in memoriam) // Mttelalter im Labor: Die Mediavistik testet Wege zu einer transkulturellen Europawissenschaft / Hrsg. M. Borgolte, J. Schiel, B. Schneidmuller, A. Seitz. - Berlin: Akademie-Verlag, 2008. - S. 274 - 282. - (Europa im Mttelalter: Abhandlungen und Beitrage zur historischen Komparatistik; N 10).

Shepard J. Closer Encounters with the Byzantine World: The Rus at the Straits of Kerch // Pre-modern Russia and its World: Essays in Honor of Thomas S. Noonan / eds. K.L. Reyerson, Th.G. Stavrou, J.D. Tracy. - Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 2006. - P. 15 - 77. - (Schriften zur Geistesgeschichte des ostlichen Europa; N 29).

Silagi G. Die "Gesta Hungarorum" des anonymen Notars: Die alteste Darstellung der ungarischen Geschichte / Hrsg. L. Veszpremy, G. Silagi. - Sigmaringen: Jan Thorbecke, 1991. - 190 S. - (Ungarns Geschichtsschreiber; N 4).

Spuler B. Die Goldene Horde: Die Mongolen in RuBland, 1223 - 1502. - Leipzig: Harrassowitz, 1943. - 556 S. - (Das mongolische Weltreich: Quellen und Forschungen; N 2).

Stein-Wilkeshuis M. Scandinavians Swearing Oaths in Tenth-century Russia: Pagans and Christians // J. of Medieval History. -2002. -N28. -P. 155 - 168.

Steuer H. Waagen und Gewichte // Reallexikon der germanischen Altertumskunde. - 2007. - Bd. 35. - S. 539 - 586.

Stokl G. Die Entstehung des Kosakentums. - Munchen: Isar-Verlag, 1953. - 191 S. - (Veroffentlichungen des Osteuropa-Institutes; N 3).

Strauch D. Schwedisches Landschaftsrecht und fruhes Recht der Rus' // Wirkungen europaischer Rechtskultur: Festschrift fur Karl Kroeschell zum 70. Geburtstag / Hrsg. G. Kobler, H. Nehlsen. - Munchen: Beck, 1997. - S. 1275 - 1304.

The Alexiad of the Princess Anna Comnena: Being the History of the Reign of her Father, Alexius I, Emperor of the Romans, 1081 - 1118 A.D. / ed. and trans. E.A. Dawes. - L.: K. Paul, 1928. - 439 p.

Togan A.Z.V. Ibn Fadlan's Reisebericht. - Leipzig: Brockhaus, 1939. - 336 S. - (Abhandlungen fur die Kunde des Morgenlandes; N 24.3).

Tschizevskij D. Die Nestor-Chronik. - Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1969. - 324 S. - (Slavistische Studienbucher; N 6).

Udolph J. Die Landnahme der Ostslaven im Lichte der Namenforschung // Jahrbucher fur Geschichte Osteuropas. -1981. - N 29 (3). - S. 321 - 336.

Vasary I. The Hungarians or Mozars and the Mescers/ Mizers of the Middle Volga Region // Archivum Eurasiae Medii Aevi. - 1975. - Vol. 1. - P. 3 - 42.

Vasary I. The Golden Horde Term Daruga and its Survival in Russia // Acta Orientalia Hungarica. - 1976. - N 30. -P. 187 - 197.

Vasary I. The Origin of the Institution Basqaqs // Acta Orientalia Hungarica. - 1978. - N 32. - P. 201 - 206.

Vasary I. Bemerkungen zum uighurischen Schrifttum in der Goldenen Horde und bei den Timuriden // Ural-Altaische Jahrbucher. - 1987. - N 7. - S. 115 - 126.

Vasary I. Mongolian Impact on the Terminology of the Documents of the Golden Horde // Acta Orientalia Hungarica. - 1995. - N 48. - P. 479 - 485.

Vasary I. Clans of Tatar Descent in the Muscovite Elite of the 14th-16th Centuries // The Place of Russia in Eurasia / ed. G. Szvak. - Budapest: Magyar Ruszisztikai Intezet, 2001. -P. 101 - 113.

Vasmer M. Die alten Bevolkerungsverhaltnisse Russlands im Lichte der Sprachforschung. - Berlin: De Gruyter, 1941. -35 S. - (Preussische Akademie der Wissenschaften, Vortrage und Schriften; N 5).

Zuckerman C. Two Notes on the Early History of the thema of Cherson // Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies. - 1997a. -N 21. - P. 210 - 222.

Zuckerman C. Les Hongrois aux pays de Lebedia. Une nouvelle puissance aux confi ns de Byzance et de la Khazarie ca 836 - 889 // - Byzantinum at War (9th - 12th c.) / ed. K. Tsiknakis. - Athens: Goulandri-Horn Foundation, 1997b. - P. 51 - 74. -

The article was submitted to the Editorial Board on 15.09.10, in the final version-on 04.06.11.

page 94

Permanent link to this publication: