(TO RECONSTRUCT THE EARLY STATE OF SIBERIAN MYTHOLOGY)
Folklore and mythology of Western Siberia, North-East Asia, and the Lower Amur - Primorye region are united by a number of common plots or, more precisely, plot-forming motifs. None of them have been sufficiently traced, and some have not been identified at all. One part of them connects Western Siberia with the North-East, the other-with the Lower Amur; there are plots known in all three regions. In America, the same motifs are found mainly in areas relatively close to Asia (Alaska, the Northwest Coast, the Plateau), and mainly among the Indians, and not among the Eskimos. The Yakuts and Evenks either do not have these motifs, or they are represented by peculiar variants, and in the Turkic-Mongolian South Siberian folklore they have no analogues at all. Such an area distribution can be explained if we assume that in the past almost all of Siberia was a single folklore province, which broke up after the settlement of the Tungus and Yakuts. The aliens took some of the motifs from the substrate, and brought some of them with them. Even earlier, similar sets of folklore and mythological motifs were characteristic of both Siberia and the north-west of North America.
In the format of the article, we will be able to consider only a few selected subjects (motifs) that testify to the ancient cultural unity. We will then turn to some more distant parallels to determine the place of "trans-Siberian" mythology in the Eurasian-American context.
Western Siberia - Northeast Asia - Alaska
The blind hunter. The wife aims her blind husband's arrow at the beast, lies that he missed, and eats the meat herself. The husband exposes the deception and usually sees through it. In the North-East, the motif is known to the Yukagirs [Zhukova and Chernetsov, 1994, p. 66-68; Nikolaeva, Zhukova, and Demina, 1989, N 48, p. 29-33] and Evens [Novikova, 1987, p. 76-77], and in Western Siberia - to the Khanty. Even and the two Yukaghir versions are similar in detail: an old hunter goes blind, and after learning the truth, he leaves his wife on an anthill. In one of the Khanty variants (Pelikh, 1972, pp. 376-377), the old man takes out his eyes and puts them aside before rolling down the mountain, the old woman finds them and hides them. The old man thinks magpies ate his eyes. The old woman tells the old man to shoot the moose, lies that it missed, and eats the meat herself. The old man tells the old woman that her brother has come to her, builds a new hut next to it and digs a passage into it. Moving along this passage from one house to another, the old man imagined-
The work was carried out on the basis of an electronic Catalog of folklore and mythological motifs with the support of the Russian Foundation for Basic Research (project 04-06-80238) and the program of the Presidium of the Russian Academy of Sciences "Adaptation of peoples and Cultures to changes in the natural environment, social and technological transformations", as well as grant INTAS 05-10000008-7922.
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he alternates between himself and his brother. The old woman feeds the imaginary brother, tells about her tricks. "Brother" advises not to torment your husband. The old man gets stuck in the passage he has dug; the old woman pushes him through with a poker, returns his eyes. According to another version [Lukina, 1990, N 65, p. 189-191], the wife notices the husband pulling out his eyes, saying: "Samlek ram-ram-ram". Then, as in the first version. From the conversation of his wife, the imaginary brother learns that the eyes are hidden in a chest. He finds them and scolds his wife.
This story belongs to the West Siberian trickster cycle, which has parallels in north-east Asia and north-west America (for example, the episode with closed eyes is typical for Koryaks, Itelmen, Eskimos, and Athapascans). In Eastern Siberia, the local trickster (Evenk Patrol) is associated with completely different stories. In America, the blind hunter motif is known to the Eskimos, most of the northern Athapaskan and Northwest Coast Indians, and some of the Great Basin and northern Great Plains Indians. In all Native American and Siberian texts, the hunter is deceived by his wife, and he aims at an elk or deer. Among the Eskimos, the hunter aims at the bear, the deceiver-at the mother.
West Siberian-Paleoasiatic-American parallels can also be traced in the imaginary dead man motif (imitation of death for the purpose of eating alone, K1867).
The Nenets (three variants) [Vasiliev, 1992, pp. 5-6; Kupriyanova, 1960, No. 13, pp. 98-99; Lar, 2001, pp. 273-277]. Eompu (Yompu, Yembo) tells his mother, wife or grandmother that he is dying, asks them to leave a tuesok with caviar for him. A relative of the Mpu sees the imaginary dead man eating caviar, and shouts that bears or devils are coming. Lou jumps out of the grave in fear.
Entsy (three variants) [Sorokina and Bolina, 2005, N 1, pp. 17-20; N 5, pp. 30-31; N 6, pp. 34-36]. Dea lives in the plague with an old lady and a boy (sometimes his younger brother). He pretends to be dead. They put salmon caviar in his grave. The boy notices that Dea is eating caviar. Shouting that bears are coming, Dea jumps out of the grave.
Khanty [Lukina, 1990, N 31, pp. 125-127]. Imihita tells his aunt that he is dying, asks her to put him under the boat with a net, an axe and a cauldron. She arrives, sees a wet net, a bonfire, thinks that strangers have used the gifts. Trickster's uncle, who can transform into a bear, tells his aunt that his nephew is cheating on her. The aunt pretends to be attacked by a bear. The imaginary dead man comes to life.
Northern Mansi Mountains (Kupriyanova, 1960, p. 92). Ekvapygris lives with his grandmother, promises her to die on such and such a day. His grandmother buries him at the fish constipation. Once he visits, he cries. The grandson suddenly grabs her handkerchief, turns out to be alive, returns home with her.
Chum salmon [Dulzon, 1966, N 12, p. 39]. Casket pretends to be dying, asks his grandmother to bury him. Arriving at the grave, she sees that the lips of the Helmet are "red as caviar". It turns out that he is alive. Then the grandmother repeats a similar trick.
The Selkups have no plot, but there are many lacunae in their folklore records. The beginning of the plot may correspond to the story of a lazy son who is ready to be buried, just not to work [Ibid., N 48, p. 31].
In northeast Asia, the supposed dead man was known to the Yukagirs, Paleo-Asians, Itelmen, and Asian Eskimos.
The Yukagirs [Bogoras, 1918, N 4, p. 48-49]. The old man pretends to be dying, tells his wife to leave him in the abandoned house along with the property. Taking the corpse, the old woman jumps over the stream and makes an indecent sound. The husband laughs; her son notices, but the old woman doesn't believe him. A few days later, the boy notices smoke over the abandoned house. An old woman looks into the house and sees her husband eating a fat moose. She plucks the partridge, leaving its wings, and tells it to fly and scratch her husband with its claws. He runs home in fear. His wife beats him, then they make up.
Chukchi [Bogoras, 1902, N 10, p. 648]. Raven pretends to be dead. His wife Mitya drives the corpse to the dugout intended for burial, and the wind blows along the way. Raven laughs. The son notices this, tells his mother, who reproaches the boy for lying, and leaves bags of meat and fat on the grave. The fox notices how the Raven is preparing food (or just sees the smoke), informs Mitya about it. She cuts off one of her breasts, sews a plucked partridge in its place, and sews a new one. -
* [Меновщиков, 1985, N 230, с. 445 - 449; Boas, 1888, p. 625 - 627; 1901, N 4, p. 168 - 171; Hall, 1975, N PM56, p. 245 - 247; Hawkes, 1916, p. 157 - 158; Holtved, 1951, N 37, p. 152 - 165; Keithahn, 1958, p. 76 - 79; Kroeber, 1899, N 6, p. 169; Lucier, 1958, N 11, p. 96 - 98; Mishler, 2003, p. 53; Norman, 1990, p. 81 - 86; Nungak, Arima, 1969, p. 51; Rasmussen, 1930a, p. 77 - 80; 1930b, p. 108 - 109; 1931, p. 232 - 236; 1932, p. 204 - 205; Spencer, 1959, p. 396 - 397].
** [Boas, 1916,p. 827 - 828;Farrand, 1900,N21,p. 35 - 36; Krauss, 1982, p. 88 - 89; McClelland, 1975, p. 78; Petitot, 1886, N 32, p. 226 - 229; Smelcer, 1992, p. 113 - 114; 1993, p. 57 - 60; 1997, p. 37 - 39; Teit, 1921, N 34, p. 226 - 228; Vaudrin, 1969, p. 15 - 18].
*** [Boas, 1910, N 33, p. 447 - 452; 1916, p. 246 - 250, 825 - 827; De Laguna, 1972, p. 888 - 889; Mcllwraith, 1948, p. 661 - 662].
**** [Dorsey, 1904, N 26, p. 32; Dorsey, Kroeber, 1903, N 125 - 127, p. 282 - 287; Lowie, 1924, N 49, p. 78; Mason, 1910, N 4, p. 301; Skinner, 1925, N 36, p. 496^197].
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Raining down on the Raven through the smoke hole. He gets scared, returns home.
Koryaks (Karaginsky dialect) [Zhukova, 1988, N 38, pp. 143-145]. Big Raven (Kutkynyaku) pretends to be dying, asks Mitya to leave tolkushu, mortar, fat, firewood on the grave. He crawls out of the grave, eats crushed meat with fat, and at the approach of his sons climbs back into the grave. In the form of a raven comes to eat dried meat. His sons recognize him; Kutkynyaku returns in shame.
Koryaks (beregovye) [Jochelson, 1908, N 65, p. 224]. A large Raven (Kikinnyaku) harnesses mice to the sled, comes to the deer people. They laugh and load a lot of meat on the sled. Unexpectedly for them, Kikinnyaku leaves with a pack. At home, he pretends to be dying, asks his sons not to burn the corpse, but to leave it with provisions in an empty dugout. His sons discover that when he is alone, he eats. His wife plucks a partridge, cuts off her breasts, ties them to a partridge, shows it to her husband. He is terrified and returns to his wife.
Alutortsy [Kibrik, Kodzasov, Muravyova, 2000, N 2, pp. 21-24]. Kutkinnyaku pretends to be dying, tells Mitya not to bury him, but to leave him in an old dugout with all his possessions. He sets up nooses, cooks and eats hares and partridges. Mitya sends her sons to visit their father. He's trying to pretend to be dead. Mitya comes to beat her husband; they make up, go home.
Itelmen (three variants) [Menovshchikov, 1974, N 167-169, p. 508-512]. Raven says that he will die, tells Mitya to put food on the grave. After eating all the supplies, he pretends that he has returned from the dead. In one version, the raven's daughter notices that the deceased is laughing, but they don't believe her. Then she sees a fire in the grave.
Asiatic Eskimos (Chaplino, four variants) [Kozlov, 1956, p. 190; Menovshchikov, 1985, N 33, 34, p. 76-78; N 101, p. 244-245]. The hunter pretends to be dying, asks to be buried with a net. An arctic fox or partridge tells his wife that the imaginary dead man catches fish and eats it alone. The wife throws a wooden crow or plucked partridge into her husband's dugout. He gets scared and goes back to his wife.
In Chaplin's text, the trickster's wife is named Mitya, which may indicate that the plot is borrowed from Paleoasians, especially since it is not known to American Eskimos. In North America, the plot is absent from the Eskimos, but it is recorded in the Athapaskan and Northwest Coast Indians, and all American versions differ more from the Siberian ones than the latter from each other.
Koyukon [Jette, 1908, p. 363-364]. Raven pretends to be dying, asks his nephews to leave him and send his two wives. He eats the meat reserves hidden by his nephews, returns with his wives. In another text [De Laguna, 1995, N 37, p. 266], the Raven pretends to be dead in order to find out what others will do. At his request, the incredulous or those who blaspheme the deceased are beaten.
Tanaina [Rooth, 1971, p. 189, 208, 235]. A raven flies into a whale, killing it from the inside. A whale is washed ashore. Raven tells people that it is dangerous to eat a whale, advises them to move away. He pretends to be dying, tells them to leave him alone and put his snowshoes next to him. Eats a whale alone.
Tlingits [Boas, 1895, N XXV/1, S. 315]. Raven and Kincino come to a village where there is a lot of fish oil. Raven pretends that he is dying, tells Kinzino to tell the people that they must leave the village without taking fat with them. Kinzino puts the Raven in the coffin, ties it tightly, and eats the fat himself. When Raven breaks the coffin, it turns out that all the fat has already been eaten.
Tsimshian [Boas, 1916, N 17, p. 72-73]. Raven turns a piece of rotten willow into a slave, tells him to tell the people that a great leader has come. He pretends to be dying. The slave sends the men away, puts the Raven in a coffin, ties it tightly, and eats the best cod himself. Then he frees the Raven, and they both eat their fill.
Kwakiutl (two variants) [Boas 1910, N 12, p. 135-141; 1916, N 40, p. 707]. Mink pretends to be dying, rejects all methods of burial, asks to leave his coffin on the island. The girls discover that there he eats salmon caviar. Mink explains that he has come to life thanks to his magical powers.
Coastal Salish (Comox group bordering Kwakiutl) [Boas, 1895, N 4, S. 73-74]. Mink pretends to be dying, asks to leave his coffin on the island. His wife marries a Raccoon. The mink asks the salmon to swim closer, kills them, and goes to bed. The wolf takes the salmon away and smears fat on the Mink's lips so that it thinks it has eaten all the fish itself. Boas mentions another Salish version (chehalis?), whose hero is also a Mink (Boas, 1916, p. 707).
Western Siberia-Lower Amur - Chukotka-Plateau and south of the Northwest Coast
The motif of the property taken away (the character takes the form of a baby, is picked up by an old man and an old woman, takes away the property of foster parents loaded into the boat) is also included in the West Siberian trickster cycle. In the case of the Nenets and Ents, the imaginary deceased and the property taken away are combined within the same text.
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Nenets (Yamal) [Lar, 2001, pp. 273-277]. Running away from the place of his "burial", Embu turns into a baby, crawls under the hem of an old woman; the old people adopt him. Three days later, he grows up, orders the last steer to be slaughtered, loads the meat into the boat, and sails away with the meat.
Entsy [Sorokina and Bolina, 2005, N 7, pp. 37-38]. Dea grabs the hand of an old woman who has come out of the plague, tells her to shout to her husband that she has given birth to a child, turns into a baby. When he grows up, he asks his foster father to kill the deer and move to another place. Swimming away, taking the meat, shouts that he is not their son, but Dea. In another version, he sails to another old woman, where he pretends to be dead in order to secretly eat caviar [Ibid., No. 1, pp. 17-20].
Nganasany [Porotova, 1980, pp. 21-24]. Dyayku kicked a tree stump and stuck to it. The old man brought Dyaka home and told his wife that a fox had fallen into the trap. In the old man's house, Dyayku turned into a baby and crawled under the old woman's skirt. He was adopted and raised. He asks to kill the only deer, loads the meat into the boat and, swimming away, shouts that he is not their son, but an Uncle.
Dolgans (the motif is most likely inherited from the Samoyedic substratum) [Efremov, 2000, N 17, pp. 277-281]. Laayku turned into a child; Jige Baba thought she had given birth. Laayku grew up, asked to kill the only deer, moved to live on the other side of the river. As he swam away with the meat, he shouted that he was Laayku.
Negidaltsy [Khasanova and Pevnov, 2003, N 68, pp. 135-136]. Fox makes eyes out of dark lingonberries, turns into a little boy. The old man finds him, adopts him, although the old woman suspects deception. The grown-up boy asks to load the goods into the boat, let him row and swims away with all the property.
Although in the Pacific zone the motif of stolen property is fully recorded only among Negidalians, one of the Koryak texts already cited, in which a Large Raven suddenly disappears with a load, and then pretends to die [Jochelson, 1908, N 65, p. 224], clearly has to do with it. In America, there are also no complete parallels to the motif of the stolen property, but the opening episode (trickster turns into a baby, picked up by a woman) and the ending (assuming his true form, he encroaches on the property of those who picked him up) are present in dozens of myths of the Plateau Indians, the south of the Northwest Coast and adjacent areas of California and the These are mostly stories about how the Coyote released salmon into the rivers by dismantling the dam behind which the women who adopted the imaginary baby hid the fish [Bierhorst, 1985, p. 142-143].
Tragic incest. A brother and sister get married. When the children born in it find out about their origin, they kill their parents, or the father kills the children, or the parents commit suicide.
The sister's trick. My sister and brother live alone. My brother doesn't agree to incest. The sister goes to a trick, and the brother, mistaking her for a strange girl, marries.
Mansi: the sister pretends to be another woman; the brother kills her and her son [Lukina, 1990, N 124, pp. 327-332]. Mansi: the brother makes himself a doll out of wood; the sister destroys it, assures the brother that it is a revived doll, gives birth to a son from him [Ibid., 1990, N 123, pp. 326-327]. Udege people: a sister puts a yurt at a distance, pretends to be another woman; a brother kills his sister, throws his son and daughter into the taiga [Arsenyev, 1995, p. 166-167]. Orochi: as with the Udege people [Ibid., pp. 167-169], or the son sends his parents to sea in a boat without oars [Margaritov, 1888, pp. 28-29]. Ulchi: brother and sister first don't know about their relationship; son, then daughter and parents turn into evil spirits [Smolyak, 1991, pp. 78-79]. Chukchi: people die out; brother and sister remain. The sister puts the plague at a distance, pretends to be another woman; the sibling descendants re-inhabit the country [Bogoras, 1928, N 11, p. 312-316]. Mestizos of Markov: the sister puts up a yurt at a distance, pretends to be another woman; the brother kills the sister [Bogoras, 1918, N 7, p. 131-132]. Lillooet, Coast Salish, Quileute: a girl smears coal on an unknown lover, identifies her brother; they run away together. When the son suspects that his parents are incestuous, they burn themselves [Andrade, 1931, No. 56, p. 165-171; Boas, 1895, No. 4, S. 37-40; Teit, 1912, No. 34, p. 340].
Western Siberia - Lower Amur
Texts on the plot of the girl and the witch-gifts from relatives are more complex in composition than those discussed above. A girl and a witch get married. Both must bring gifts from their relatives. The girl finds the missing brother (s) or sister at the beginning of the story, is generously gifted with it, and what the rival brought is worthless.
This series of episodes is built into a more complex plot describing the adventures of the heroine. The most obvious parallels with the Far Eastern texts are found in the Nenets and Enets variants. The Kets [Alekseenko, 2001, No. 133, p.240-244; Dulzon, 1972, No. 75, p. 83-86] have only the beginning of the plot (the witch kills the heroine's mother), and in the Nganasan, Selkup, and Ob - Ugric texts, the corresponding episodes are quite understandable only against the background of the Nenets - Enets ones.
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The Nenets [Golovnev, 2004, p. 248-251]. Parnae and Nenei-do not go to pick grass on their feet; Parnae drowns Nenei-not. The daughter of the deceased notices her mother's earrings in the grass brought by Parnay, hears how Parnay promises her children to feed them tomorrow with the meat of the children of Nenei-ne. Taking her younger brother, the girl runs away, throwing objects behind her that turn into mountains and other obstacles. The old woman ferries the children across the river, drowns the pursuer-Parne, tells the children to go without looking back. My brother looks around; branches rip him in half. He tells his sister to leave him on a sandy hill. The girl's leg falls through; a Parnay girl comes out of the pit and becomes a companion. Having met two men, Parne sits down to the owner of the white deer, and the daughter of Nenei-ne sits down to the owner of the black ones. As time passes, both girls must go home to buy gifts for their husbands. Parnay goes to the hole in the ground, returns with a herd of mice. The daughter of Nenei-does not find the revived brother; he gives her new clothes and deer. Parnay is thrown into the fire; mosquitoes appear from the ashes.
The Nenets [Labanauskas, 2001, pp. 155-163]. When the seven brothers go hunting, they don't tell their sister to leave the house. The sister comes out, sees the diverging tracks of brothers who have become animals of different species, the younger one - a bear. My sister comes to the den. Her brother's wife tells her to follow the path through the thatch. The girl walks along the hill, sits down on a tree stump; a witch appears from it, takes her clothes. The girl dresses in a dress given by the wife of her bear brother. The witch marries the owner of the white deer, the girl marries his brother, the owner of the black deer. The father-in-law sends the daughters-in-law to their relatives. Brother bear gives a sled drawn by mammoths; there is a lot of good stuff on them. The witch arrives on a sled drawn by mice; the old men crush them. Further - about the substitution of a witch for the son of a woman, the punishment of a witch.
Entsy [Sorokina and Bolina, 2005, N 13, pp. 82-88]. A witch and a woman live in the same plague. The woman has two girls. The witch calls to pick grass, suggests looking for insects from the woman, sticks an awl in her ear, brings the body home, cooks and eats. The eldest daughter notices her mother's remains. The girls run away; the older one throws objects that turn into obstacles in the path of the pursuer. The old man ferries the girls across the river, drowns the witch, and warns the girls not to take anything on the island. The younger one breaks the ban, tells her to leave her in the bear den. The older one stops at a tree stump; the witch appears from it. They go together. The witch sits on the sled of a man who has white deer, the girl - having black ones. The father of both men asks the daughters-in-law to go to their relatives. The Enets woman goes to the den; her sister comes out with two cubs. The bear sends two sleds of gifts. The witch brings mice - these are her deer; the old man kills them with a kick. An Enets woman gives birth to a boy; a witch replaces him with a witch, but the deception is revealed. The witch is burned, the ashes turn into mosquitoes.
Nganasany [Porotova, 1980, p. 13-19]. The ogress and the woman each have two daughters. The ogre leads the woman for a talnik, asks her to bend over the water, and cuts off her head. The victim's daughters hear the ogress promise her daughters that she will eat the brains of a grown woman, and they will eat her children. The girls run away and throw their mother's jewelry, creating a mountain and lake behind them. The old man transports them across the river, drowns the ogre. In the morning, the sisters discover that there is no way out of the old man's house. The younger one comes out with a needle through the gap; the older one gets stuck. The younger one, trying to pull her sister out, tears off her head. The head remains in the bear's den. The younger sister moves on. An ogre who has jumped out of a tree stump is forced to become a companion. The end of the story is broken and, apparently, was similar to Enetsky.
Northern Selkups [Tuchkova, 2004, pp. 208-209]. Natanka ("girl") and Tomnanka ("frog") live in the same camp. Tomnanka calls Natenka to gather grass for her insoles, kills her by puncturing her ear. Natenki's daughter sees Tomnank butchering her mother's body, and hears her promise to eat Natenki's children as well. The girl runs away, taking her younger brother with her. He dies after being pricked by an awl or drill; the girl buries him. A Tomnank girl jumps out from under a tree stump and follows on skis made of wooden bowls. Both girls get married, Natenka gives birth to a boy; Tomnenka replaces him with a puppy. The husband leaves Natenka. The puppy helps her to get the animal, plays with the boy coming out of the water, who turns out to be Natenka's son. She forgives her husband. Tomnanku will be executed. The motif of "gifts from relatives" is absent in this text, but there is a preliminary motif of the heroine's younger brother who supposedly died on the way.
Northern Mansi Mountains (Kupriyanova, 1960, p. 109-111; Lukina, 1990, N 128, p. 334-336). Mox-ne and Por-ne live together; they both have two children, a girl and a boy. Por-ne calls Moose-ne to pick grass for the insoles, offers to ride down the mountain, kills her by driving iron skis on her back. The Moose-ne children find their mother's intestines, run to her sister, throwing a comb, a touchstone, matches, in place of which there is a thicket, a mountain, a fire. When they sit on the bed, it falls apart. There are three Por-ne, one of which is imposed as a companion. The boy pricked his finger with an awl and died. Por-ne got into the sled of the owner of the white deer, and the young Moose-ne - the owner of the black ones. In the city of Moose-ne finds a brother,
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gets deer from him. Further - about the unsuccessful attempt of Port-ne to hide the sun.
Khanty [Lukina, 1990, N 28, pp. 101-104]. Fox and Hare live together, both have children. Fox offers to go sledding down the mountain, runs into a Hare, breaking her spine. The son and daughter of the deceased see how the Fox feeds their mother's meat to their children. Children of the Hare run, throwing a comb, touchstone, flint, which turn into a thicket, mountain, fire. The fox lags behind. While the sister eats cloudberries, the brother falls into the ground. Further, the sister is referred to as the "Moose woman". She hits a tree stump. A "Por woman" jumps out, offers to swim, puts on rich fur clothes for Moose, gives her her measles one. In the city, Moose marries the son of a "City Village Old Man", and Por-for the son of Tonton-an old man (this character is a poor man, a cunning man). Moose arrives at the place where his brother disappeared. There's a house there. A bear enters, takes off its skin - this is the brother. He sends his sister a herd of deer.
Orochi [Margaritov, 1888, p. 29]. Seven brothers wound a squirrel. Fearing the squirrels ' revenge, they hide their sister under the hearth, shoot arrows into the sky, which stick one after another in the tail and form a chain. On it, the brothers ascend to heaven. The sister goes to look for them, comes to the frog. She takes the girl's clothes and puts them on. The girl hides inside the stick. Two brothers arrive. The eldest sits down next to the frog, the youngest-at the stick, whittles it with a knife; blood comes out on it. The eldest leaves with the frog; the youngest returns for the knife, finds the girl. At the brothers ' house, the frog shows his frog relatives to his father-in-law, who chases his daughter-in-law away. The girl calls her brothers. They descend from the sky, give her rich clothes.
Udege people [Lebedeva et al., 1998, N 31,107, pp. 227-235, 474-476]. Both Udege variants (one of them is recorded by V. K. Arsenyev) do not differ fundamentally from the Oroch one. In them, the seven heavenly brothers of the girl bring her father-in-law valuable gifts, and the gifts of frogs are insignificant.
Negidaltsy [Zincius 1982, N 25, pp. 135-139]. The father sends his daughter away. She gets to the frog, who takes the girl's jewelry and clothes. The girl turns into a stick. Two brothers arrive. One takes a frog as his wife. Another whittles a stick, sees blood, and when he returns for a forgotten knife, finds a girl. The father of the brothers asks the daughters-in-law to bring him a treat, a dowry, and bring relatives. The frog cooks frog caviar, brings leaves, frogs. A girl goes to a larch tree; bags of food and clothes fall from the top to her. Two men, who turn out to be relatives of the girl, descend from the sky, return to the girl the clothes and jewelry taken from her by the frog. The frog and her husband were strangled.
The context in which the motifs of interest are embedded in Western Siberia and the Lower Amur, although not quite identical, coincides with the following episodes:: 1) a girl leaves home; 2) loses a brother (brothers) or sister who leaves the human world; 3) meets a witch (frog) who oppresses her; 4) a girl and a witch marry two brothers or neighbors; 5) a missing (supposedly dead) brother (brothers) or sister of a girl helps her triumph over the witch. Such a sequence of episodes in texts outside the Lower Amur and Western Siberia is almost nowhere else. It is occasionally found in Yakut and Evenk stories. The latter include some motifs specific to either Amur or West Siberian folklore only, but Amur and West Siberian myths differ from Yakut and Evenk ones. For example, only the first ones mention that the girl has seven brothers. This means that the Evenks and Yakuts were not an intermediate link in the transmission of the plot between Western Siberia and the Lower Amur, but rather borrowed it from a substrate unknown to us.
Yakuts [Vitashevsky, 1914, N p. 1, pp. 459-458]. Two orphaned girls found a stone that turned into a child and turned out to be an ogre. The sisters are running. The old woman stretches out her leg across the river; the sisters cross it to the other side. The old woman drowns the pursuer. Next, the sisters come to the demoness, who locks them in a closet. The younger sister jumps out through the crack. The older girl's head snaps off. The younger one carries it with her. The head agrees to stay only on the tree, broken by lightning. The younger sister comes to the frog. She hides it. The frog's husband finds a girl, offers Yakutka and frog to go to their relatives for gifts. The frog brings worms and leeches. Yakutka goes to the place where she left her sister's head. It turns out that my sister married Thunder. He gives Yakutka gifts, crushes frog leeches. The husband tells the wives to sleep on the roof. The frog freezes to death. The second text on the same subject is incomplete [Ibid., N I. 5, pp. 456-458].
Evenki (Sym). Wolverine ate the mother of two Bunny girls. They run to the old woman, then go not on the indicated road, but on the wrong one, get into the house without holes. The older one slips through the gap, the younger one gets stuck. Her head comes off and asks her sister not to leave it on the deck, but to leave it on a tree struck by lightning, where she marries Thunder. The younger sister came to the frog. The end of the story is crumpled up. It is only said that the deer brought by the frog are insects and that as a result, the frog began to live in water (Vasilevich, 1936, No. 22, pp. 23-24).
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"Trans-Siberian" mythology in the Eurasian-American context
These motifs differ from those found in Southern Siberia, Central and Western Asia, and North America east of the Rocky Mountains (Berezkin, 2003; 2005b, pp. 148-151). The differences are manifested primarily in the content of the texts. If the South Siberian group's motifs usually focus on a young male protagonist, the Trans-Siberian group's protagonist is usually a child, a young woman,or a trickster. As for the areal distribution, those mythological plots and motifs that had a trans-Siberian distribution before the migrations of the Tungus and Yakuts, in America, as already noted, are concentrated in the northwest, in territories relatively close to Asia. This could be considered an argument in favor of their late distribution, and if we talk about particular details, then this is probably true. However, with the use of a wider range of Eurasian and American data, the situation generally looks different - the same motives, although less often or in other versions, are represented in the entire circum-Pacific region, but are absent in continental Eurasia. For example, the blind hunter is known in Brazil from the Mato Grosso paresis (Pereira, 1987, N 163, p. 662-663], and the considered Siberian plot the girl and the witch contains common elements with the most popular trans-American, more precisely, Circum-Pacific (up to Australia) plot of a girl in search of a groom (Berezkin, 1999). The motif of the arrow chain that the heroine's brothers use to climb to the sky in Udege and Oroch myths is a typical circum-Pacific motif, known in North and South America, Australia, Melanesia, Malaysia, Indonesia, but absent in Africa, Europe, and most of Eurasia.
Especially revealing is the plot, which in connection with Native American materials is usually referred to as the Doe and the Bear. Two women live together and have children. One is often associated with a bear or other predator, the other with a herbivore or a weaker predator. The first goes out with a friend from the house, kills her, talks to her children about how to kill and when to eat the children of the killed one. Orphaned children either take revenge by killing the children of the mother's killer, or only run for their lives. In Western Siberia, it is this story that opens a series of adventures of the very girl who runs away from her mother's killer and to whom a witch is then imposed as a companion. As already noted, this series of episodes is recorded in all West Siberian peoples, including the Chum Salmon.
In most of the Siberian and American versions, the cannibal kills her victim when they both go to collect grass or wild tubers, and most often the cannibal invites the victim to look for insects in her hair and bites her neck or stabs her in the ear with a sharp object, less often drowns her. Although the man-eater is not directly called a bear among the West Siberian peoples, its name Por is associated with the designation of the Ob-Ugric phratry Por, whose ancestor was considered a bear, while the ancestor of the Moe phratry was a hare or goose [Kulemzin, 2000, p.200, 203-204].
In North America, Doe-Bear myths are found within the vast but compact area in the west of the continent from the Salish to the eastern Pueblos*, as well as in the Great Lakes Menominee range (Bloomfield, 1928, N 110, p. 493-501). In many texts, the children of a murdered woman who are fleeing cross the river over the outstretched leg or neck of a character waiting for them on the bank. This latter motif is absent in Western Siberia, but is found among the Yakuts (including the northern ones), Kiren Evenks, Orochi, Nivkhs, Yukagirs, and Kereks. In all cases, a girl or girl fleeing from an ogre crosses a bridge over a pond, but not a male hero. Motif leg (neck) - the bridge is not found outside of Siberia and North America.
Analogs of Siberian myths can also be traced in South America. These are versions from the Chayu area, in which the killer and victim are usually characters
* [Adamson, 1934, р. 43 - 46, 211 - 213; Barker, 1963, N 1, р. 7 - 13; Barrett, 1933, N 87 - 90, р. 327 - 354; Benedict 1926, N 16, р. 15 - 16; Boas, 1895, N 9, S. 81; 1901, N 15, p. 118 - 128; 1928, p. 274; Dixon, 1902, N 9, p. 79 - 83; Dubois, Demetracopoulou, 1931, N 36, p. 352 - 354; Espinosa, 1936, N 30, p. 97; Gatschet, 1890, p. 118 - 123; Gifford, 1917, N 2, p. 286 - 292; N13, 333 - 334; 1923, N23, p. 357 - 359; Goddard, 1906, N 2, p. 135 - 136; 1909, N 17, p. 221 - 222; Haeberlin, 1924, N 31, p. 422 - 425; Hilbert, 1985, p. 130 - 136; Jacobs, 1940, N 13, p. 152 - 155; 1945, p. 115 - 119, 360 - 363; 1958, N 15, p. 141 - 156; Kelly 1938, N 202, p. 431 - 432; Kroeber, 1907, N 10, p. 203 - 204; 1919, N 11, p. 349, 351; Lowie, 1909, N 9, p. 253 - 254; Merriam, 1993, p. 103 - 109,111 - 112; Oswalt, 1964, N 5, p. 57 - 65; Parsons, 1926, N 60, p. 155 - 157; 1931, p. 137; 1932, N 16, p. 403 - 404; 1940, N 52, p. 109 - 111; Sapir, 1909, N 13, p. 117 - 123; 1910, N 24, p. 207 - 208; Smith, 1993, p. 37 - 38; Steward, 1936, N 28, p. 388; Teit, 1898, N XXII, p. 69 - 71; 1909,N 21, 62, p. 681 - 683, 753; 1912, N 19, p. 322 - 323; Uldall, Shipley, 1966, N 2, p. 21 - 25.].
** [Avrorin, Lebedeva, 1966, No. 56, pp. 204-206; Bereznitsky, 2003, No. 35, pp. 133-134; Vitashevsky, 1914, pp. 459-465; Gurvich, 1977, pp. 174; Menovshchikov, 1974, No. 113, pp. 352-356; Pinegina, Konenkin, 1952, p. 58-61; Sivtsev and Efremov, 1990, p. 64-71; Ergis, 1964, N 66, p. 245-246; Bogoras, 1918, N 9, p. 61-64].
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Males are Jaguar, Maned Wolf, and Deer (Califano, 1974, p. 49; Wilbert and Simoneau, 1982, N 2-4, p. 38-44; 1987, N 101-103, p. 403-418). But the parallels in South and Southeast Asia are even more significant.
Tibetans of Sikkim [Krapivina, 2001, pp. 135-143]. The hare and the Bear live side by side; they both have a son. Both go to dig wild tubers. A bear kills a hare. The bunny adjusts so that the Bear Cub is crushed by a millstone. He runs away; the pursuer is killed by a Tiger.
Lod (Halmahera) [Baarda, 1904, N 12, p. 438-441]. Two wives of the same husband went fishing. One pushed the other into the water, dismembered it, and brought the meat home. She told the victim's son and daughter that she was cooking fish. The children hear their mother's voice from the cauldron. When the ogre left, they fried her baby and ran away. The bird helped them cross the river, drowned the pursuer. Similar texts, whose originals are not yet available to me, have been recorded in other parts of Eastern Indonesia (Dixon, 1916, p. 338).
The association of the antagonist and victim with a bear and a hare makes it possible to compare Sikkim and Ob-Ugric (Por-ne and Moos-ne; cf. also the text of the Simian Evenks) texts, while the motive for the murder of the victim's children (and not just their flight) of the antagonist's child combines variants from South and Southeast Asia with North American ones. Moreover, in almost all versions, the children of the victim kill the children of the killer in the same ways-fried, smoked, smothered with smoke. The presence, of course, of similar and specific motifs in texts on the territory of Asia and America, with distances of thousands of kilometers between their individual areas, indicates that we are most likely looking at relics of a certain cultural space that was unified in the past.
To date, we have found about a hundred plot-forming motifs common in the Indo-Pacific region, of which two dozen are also found in the Asian Northeast, on the Lower Amur, and in Western (but not Eastern or Southern) Siberia (Berezkin 2005a; 20056, pp. 148-150). Some of them are also recorded among the Sami people. These motives are contrasted with another group - the continental-Eurasian one. The assumption that in the past Siberian mythology was Indo-Pacific in the composition of motifs makes it possible to understand why all Indian folklore traditions (and possibly languages, although this is a controversial issue) contain so many common features. Although early migrants probably traveled to the Americas by two different routes (along the coast and through Central Alaska), the areas in Asia where these routes originate (near the Pacific Ocean and somewhere in Eastern Siberia) were settled by people with a fairly similar culture at the end of the Pleistocene. Against this background, a group of folklore and mythological motifs that is characteristic only of the central regions of North America and has parallels in the depths of continental Eurasia looks even more contrasting.
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The article was submitted to the Editorial Board on 06.03.06.
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