A new find of oriental silver from the Konda area is defined in the article as a monument of the Ural-Siberian circle and dates back to the IX-X centuries. The scene with the plot of gender-based violence is interpreted based on the text of the Sabhaparva, which tells about the suffering of the Pandava queen Draupadi and the deeds of Duhshasana, who won it in backgammon. The link connecting the Indian primary source with the Turkic environment of the Urals was the urban culture of pre-Arab Sogd, where the corresponding collision of "Sabhaparva "has not yet been recorded, but judging by the scenes from" Viratoparva " in the monumental painting of Panjikent, it is quite likely.

Key words: R. Konda, "Mahabharata", Draupadi's sufferings and Duhshasana's deeds.

On the Konda River (eastern slopes of the Urals), a round plate with a story medallion, carved from a silver dish, was found under random circumstances. Its diameter is 17.5 cm, medallion - 10.5 cm. Along the edge of the plate there are relief protrusions, knocked out from the reverse side of the dish until it is damaged. Before entering the burial site, the object was cut into narrow strips, similar to the plate found on the Yuribey River (Yamal), carved from a silver bowl of the IX century Ural-Hungarian circle, with the image of a crowned horseman with a hunting bird [Treasures of the Ob Region, 1996, cat. 55], which has a double in sokolnichy with a servant, depicted on a silver platter from Pochinka Utemilsky in the Vyatka province (Smirnov, 1909, No. 157; Darkevich, 1976, Tables 56, 4). According to the technique of manufacturing and the nature of gilding (traces have been preserved), the new find is close to these objects, as well as to the bowl with the image of a spearman rider found near Lake Baikal. Nanto (Yamal) near the Yuribey River (Treasures of the Ob Region, 1996, cat. 53), and several other silver products of the so-called Hungarian group (Darkevich, 1976, Table 56).

In the center of the plate, in a medallion outlined by a double line, a thin chisel depicts a scene of gender-based violence: the hero, grabbing the sleeve of a dress, tries to pull it off a young woman who is actively resisting (see figure). Our character is probably a representative of the Turkic military aristocracy, as indicated by a set belt with short hanging straps - a tradition characteristic of the early Avars [Laszlo, 1974, pi. 24; Muller, 1996, S. 415, N 5.473]. Like the feasting young merchants in the wall painting of the main hall of a residential building in Panjikent (the turn of the VII-VIII centuries), he is depicted sitting in the eastern style (with bent legs), dressed in a fitted caftan to the knees with a narrow longitudinal flap on the chest (Marshak, 2009, p.38). The caftan is decorated with small punson circles grouped in three, a motif of leopard skin. By this sign, it coincides with the robe of the spearman rider depicted on the bowl from the shores of Lake Baikal. The cut of the kaftan and soft boots with a longitudinal seam is close to the costume of a Turk (with a beaver), depicted on a cast bucket from the Marjani collection [Classical Art..., 2013, p. 155] and a matching bucket from the village. Shuryshkary (Yamalo-Nenets Autonomous District) [Baulo, 2011, cat. 384]. The sleeves of our hero's caftan are slightly rolled up, and

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A locket with a scene of violence.

by the nature of the cut, they only slightly cover his elbows (like the spearman of the bowl of oz. Nanto), in contrast to the long sleeves of Panjikent merchants. The Turk / Hungarian is depicted without weapons, wearing knee-high cavalry boots without heels and with a narrow toe pulled back. His torso is turned strictly frontal to the viewer. The contrast between broad shoulders and a thin waist, intercepted by a military belt, is obvious. With the open palm of the right hand (the master fixes attention on the long, narrow fingers), the hero touches the head (hair?)of the hero. as if he were drawing her to him, but with his left hand, gripping the cuff of a woman's sleeve imperiously in his hand, he pulls down the dress, which makes the sleeve itself, cut only three-quarters, incredibly stretched.

In the iconography and style of linear drawing, the contrast between the hero's appearance, which is close to the standards of male beauty of the Sogdian type at the turn of the VII-VIII centuries, and the features of the female character, which are far from the ideal of the Sogdians, is striking. "Strength without inert mass" is how B. I. Marshak formulated the male ideal of Sughd artists [2009, p. 46]. It is in this key that the figure of a sitting warrior in the medallion of a plate from the Eastern Urals is depicted.

In the female image, two clearly iconographically accentuated details are essential: her bare feet-the heroine is shod in light sandals in the form of a sole with a cross strap decorated with a pad-and the type of beauty indicated by a round face and almost fused eyebrows. Our heroine's hair is hidden under a cap (or headscarf) decorated with dots, possibly imitating beads or river pearls. She is wearing a long, ankle-length dress with split pleats ending in flounces and short, elbow-length sleeves. Judging by the dense grid of long and short, but always frequent strokes that convey the texture of the dress, we can assume that it is made of wool or paper yarn. The heroine's bare hands and ankles are decorated with bracelets. The curve of the female figure and the excessively stretched sleeve emphasize the violence of the hero's action, but at the same time give the scene a certain dynamic, with the principles of which we are already partially familiar from the drawing of a medallion with a galloping rider on an ancient Hungarian bowl from the shores of Lake Baikal. Nanto.

As in the entire group of Ural-Hungarian silver of the 9th century, represented in the works of a number of authors, the high quality of the drawing, made mainly in a graphic manner with a thin stichel, contrasts with the simplified forms of thin-walled silver vessels of this group [Treasures of the Ob Region, 1996, pp. 17-18, 114-120]. Perhaps you should pay attention to the characteristic mistakes of the masters in drawing the spearman's hands on the bowl with oz. Nanto and the hero on our plate. Add to this the four-toed bare feet of the heroine and a few other minor carelessness in drawing the details of the boots, including some disproportionality of the hero's feet. At the same time, as a separate feature, we will highlight the short strokes used by the master to model the hair above the heroine's forehead line and the details of the transverse folds of her stretched sleeve (as when processing the outer edge of the palmetto foliage on the bowl with oz. Nanto). By the way, in the fragment of a plant shoot that seems to grow out of the double line of the medallion's circumference, the same type of half-coat is recognized as in the decor of the bowl with oz. Nanto. With some caution, we can assume that both products belong to the work of one workshop, but hardly to the hand of one master. Based on a combination of technical and stylistic features, the plate from the Konda River can be dated to the 9th century and assigned to the Hungarian silver group in the Urals.

Let's return to the observation that in the heroine's appearance (in contrast to the male figure) there is nothing Sogdian: no tight-fitting dress, no outline of a slightly oblong face, no almond shape

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the cut of the eyes, there is no similarity in the shape of the eyebrows, there is no hairstyle of paired braids, like the girls meeting the sea king, on a panel from Panjikent.

Two centuries later (based on the proposed date of the product), the daughter of the Byzantine Emperor Alexios Komnenos, Anna (1083-between 1153 and 1155), considered the roundness of a woman's face to be a sign of pampered beauty and called this type Assyrian. Terminologically, given the Byzantines ' hostility to the Komnenian Turks due to the growing Seljuk threat (1071, Manzikert, where Byzantium lost to the Seljuks of Alp-Arslan), the "Assyrian" type of female beauty is probably close to our definition of "Turkic". Here is how Anna wrote about this, comparing the image of her young-fifteen-year-old Greek mother with the ancient Athena: "... her face radiated moonlight; it was not completely round, like the Assyrian women (emphasis added). - M. K.), did not have an elongated shape, as in Scythian women, but only slightly deviated from the ideal shape of a circle..." [Anna Komnina, 1996, p.121]. This type of face can be seen on Seljuk bowls of the XI-XI centuries with relief decoration (Valiulina, 1999; Kramarovsky, 2001, Fig. 103; Watson, 2004, p. 140-141). In our case, on the contrary, we are talking about a perfectly round face, which is often found on samples of Byzantine sgraffito of the XII-XIII centuries [Kramarovsky, 2000, p.249], or less stylized female faces on tiles of the same time from Kubad Abad. It is interesting that already in "Livistra", a Greek romance of chivalry of the XIII century. " ... the face of Rodamna is perfectly round... like a full moon, the chin... smoothly rounded. The Erots carved and placed in the middle an elegant nose, similar to a small mound in an open field... " (cit. according to: [Alexidze, 1979, p. 203]). It should be noted that a smoothly rounded chin is a characteristic feature of female and youth faces on Seljuk tiles with minai paintings from Konya (Kubad Abad, XII-early XIII c.) [Arik, 2000, Res. 6 - 10, 177 - 187, 189, 191 - 192; Alexidze, 1979, p. 206].

In another Greek novel, Veltander and Chrysantha, which describes the "viewings" of 39 pretended princesses, the hero of the story lists the selection principles, of which, following A.D. Alexidze, I will name only a few: "Veltander rejects the first girl because of her eyes, finding them cloudy and reddish. The eyes should be clear, like those of Rodamna, and despite their blackness, clear, moist, and of such depth "that you can see your reflection in them, as in a clear mirror, as in a clear river stream" (Sc. 1289). The reason he rejected the other girl was because her lips were too full. The same Rodamna has a mouth... scarlet and small, like a rosebud (Sc. 1924)" [Alexidze, 1979, p.206]. This was obviously how the Turkic type of beauty was represented at that time, not only in Anatolia, but also in Seljuk Iran (see, for example: [Opeu, 2009; Canby, 2006, p. 34-35 (master Abu Zeid's bowl with minai painting (1187-1188)]). the first third of the IX century. the Turks served in the guard of the Caliph of Baghdad, and the beauty of the "garnet-chested" Turkish slaves in the X century led to ecstasy of the sensual Rudaki (the most complete description of the Turks is given by Ibn Butlan (the first half of the XI century).)- see: [Metz, 1966, p. 140]). Other signs include thick eyebrows. But not fused or almost fused, as in our case, but spread out with wings (Alexidze, 1979, p. 206). The Veltander Canon also knows other signs of the changing female beauty that has been strongly influenced by the Middle East by this time, but they are beyond our comparison.

And yet, despite the well-known similarity in the appearance of the heroines of the "Veltander canon" and the Turkic beauties, the comparison itself defines the principles of selecting the signs of female perfection. In the Alexiad, unlike the world of the Seljuk-era Greek novel, the starting point is the ideal of beauty for the daughter of Zeus. In our case, the moon-faced heroine, her bare feet and even anklets, i.e. rare "live" details preserved by the master despite the high degree of stylization of the image, indicate a type of female beauty that provokes a conflict of gender violence. Note that the agape of the chivalric novel excludes the idea of violence. This observation gives us a direction of search that lies outside the chivalric tradition, and leads to the famous Mahabharata. Here, in chapters 60 to 62 of the Sabhaparva ("Book of Assembly") section, we are talking about the discussion in the Pandava palace of the dishonorable dice game and the loss of his wife, the beautiful Draupadi, by the weak-willed king Yudhisthira. Before that, he had successively lost his jewels, slaves, cattle, lands, warriors, kingdom, brothers, and even himself to the Kauravas. But none of the losses causes the Pandavas such confusion and anger as the loss of Draupadi and her humiliation. According to the epic tradition reflected in the Mahabharata, Draupadi is the beloved wife of the Pandavas, a glorious and virtuous woman. Even at the moment of her birth, an invisible divine voice presciently characterizes the heroine as follows: "... this best of all women, dark in body, will cause the death of the kshatriyas. In due time, she, slender in the waist, will perform a divine work: because of her, great danger will arise for the kshatriyas "(I. 155. 44-45) (cit. according to: [Grinzer, 1974, p. 197-198]). The vile Duhshasana, proving the legitimacy of the prize, Draupadi is dragged by the hair to the Pandava assembly hall. As a proof of his own power over Yudhisthir's former consort, he, desiring to

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to increase the effect of abuse, he tries to rip off her dress. Here is how this episode is described in the source: "...then Duhshasana... In the middle of the meeting, Draupadi grabbed her dress and pulled it off. But every time the dress was removed from Draupadi... (on her) one after another, another dress, exactly the same, appeared. Then, at the sight of such an extraordinary sight in the world, a clamor of approval arose among the kings... "(n. 60-61). According to another version, Krishna, having listened to the prayer calling for justice Draupadi, made her sari infinite. Duhshasana, tired of unwinding the queen's clothes (isn't this the reason for the visual characteristics of our heroine's dress, as if woven from separate threads?), left her alone.

We should not be confused by the gap in time and space between a novella from an Indian epic and a scene carved on a silver bowl from the Urals, if we recall the Sogdian features in the characterization of the image of a sitting Turk. As shown by B. I. Marshak, not only the iconography of Sogdian gods, but also the plot with the game of backgammon (40s of the VIII century) came to the painting of Panjikent from India [Marshak, 1981; Belenitski and Marshak, 1981, p. 28; Marshak, 2009, pp. 52-53]. In analyzing the Panjikent murals of the main main hall of room 13 at Site VI, G. L. Semyonov developed the observations of his predecessors and proved that all three episodes on the north wall - a group of five horsemen with an elephant following them, walking figures and a scene with musicians-are illustrations to the first part of" Viratoparva "("The Legend of the Lord"). the kingdom of Virata") [1985, p. 223]. According to the author, Draupadi, the royal consort of the five Pandava brothers, was sitting on the elephant (the image has not been preserved). G. L. Semenov interprets the plot of the painting of the northern end of the western wall as the events described at the beginning of the fourth part of the "Legend of the Marriage" [Ibid., p. 224]. In the center of this wall, he believes, is a scene of a dice game initiated by King Virata. The author identifies all three of its participants-Yudhishtra, Draupadi sitting behind him, and their counterpart - Virata [Ibid., p. 225]. This mural suggests that the Sughd artistic experience may have been the link through which the work of a torevt from the Urals, who served the nomadic headquarters of the Early Hungarian feudal lord, reflected another plot from the Mahabharata that was not known from Sogd's painting. However, it does not go back to the Viratoparva, but to the Sabhaparva, which deals with the sufferings of Draupadi and the deeds of Duhsasana.

We do not know how exactly the story of the abuse of Draupadi was perceived in the Urals. In the Turkic environment of the Urals, where the dish with the medallion in question was made in the IX century, the understanding of the epic plot, one might think, developed in the spirit of its own equestrian system of values.

And one last thing. It should be noted that in the clothes of the heroine, in fact, there are no traditional features of the Indian women's costume of the early Middle Ages-a sari, for example. But such features are absent in the visual culture of Bukhara since the time of the death of Panjikent. This feature was also highlighted by G. L. Semenov, referring to the precedent of the" disjunction principle", noted by E. Panofsky for the art of medieval Europe [Ibid., p. 228]. For us, the absence of features familiar from Panjikent's painting in Draupadi's image can only mean one thing: in the dress of the female character on the Kondinsky plate, the master did not seek to copy the beauty standards of Sogdian charmers. The point is that the rejection of the Sogdian canon, which is known in the headquarters of the leaders of the Ural Hungarians for male characters, can be seen as a reference (is it conscious?) to the image of an unknown fairy-tale country, which is generally called India, although, as we now know, the events of the Mahabharata are mainly associated with the western part of Northern India. It remains to be noted that if the penetration of the Indian epic into Sughd could occur in at least three ways, then the promotion of the images of the "Mahabharata" to the north is most likely due to only one-the "fur road" beyond the Urals.

Thus, our attribution suggests that Hungarians of the Ural region of the 9th century are familiar with the story from the "Sabhaparva" about the sufferings of Draupadi. The link connecting the Indian primary source with the Turkic environment of the region was the urban culture of pre-Arab Sogd, where the corresponding collision of "Sabhaparva "has not yet been recorded, but judging by the scenes from" Viratoparva " in monumental painting, it is quite likely.

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