Criticism and bibliography. REVIEWS
New York: CASSELL, 2000. 198 p.*
(c) 2002
The book by Somali novelist Nuruddin Farah was published two years after he was awarded the Neustadt International Prize for Literature, which many consider the second most prestigious after the Nobel Prize. N. Farah, as the first African writer to receive this award, was named in the New York Times book review for 1999. "the most outstanding African short story writer of the last 25 years" 1 .
Farah was born in 1945 in Somalia. Following the release in 1992 of his trilogy, Variations on the Theme of African Dictatorship, in which he exposes the corruption of Somali dictator General Siyad Barre, he was persecuted and even tried to kill. He became persona non grata at home. His novels, written in English and banned in Somalia, were illegally translated into Somali and memorized - not without reason that Somalis are called the "nation of poets".
The book under review is written in the now popular genre of "life story", a nonfiction novel. The main part of it consists of the revelations of Somalis in the diaspora. The work on the novel took several years, although all the interviews were collected quite quickly. The author saw his main task in trying to develop an objective assessment
* Nuruddin Farah. Yesterday, tomorrow (voices of the Somali diaspora). New York: CASSELL, 2000. 198 p.
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what is happening in the world of refugees and immigrants and bring the views of all parties. The book, written by a Somali about Somalis, allows readers to see the inner side of the life of the Somali diaspora, which is somewhat different from what international organizations and the media are talking about and writing about.
Farah describes the life of the Somali diaspora in Italy, Britain, Sweden and Switzerland. The first two countries were once the "masters" of Somalia, the other two - became a haven for numerous refugees from African countries, including Somalia. Farah begins each chapter with the arrival of Somalis in these countries and the history of relationships with their citizens.
Even during the period of colonial rule, Italy did not seek close contact with the Somalis, considering them an inferior race. To some extent, this attitude persists to this day, since in order to obtain refugee status in the Appennines, you need to prove that there is a real threat of clan persecution. Twenty families managed to do this during the first few months after the outbreak of the Somali civil war, when everyone was sure that this war was a confrontation between the two main clans .2 Most immigrants are considered "visitors", who, however, can get a job. Several dozen Somali citizens settled in Italy back in the 1970s, when they went there to earn money (as domestic servants, nurses, cooks, etc.). Domestic servants hired after the outbreak of the civil war are much more educated than the first immigrants, so they can improve their social status.
Changes in demand in the labor market in recent years have led to the fact that young women (ready to start a family, but forced to leave their homeland) have more chances of employment. This has significantly affected the traditional status of women in Somali society and the psychological state of the people as a whole. When it comes to the situation of women in the Somali diaspora, the author addresses readers in the words of women themselves. This technique gives him the opportunity to hide behind fragile women's backs from the discontent of Somali men, who are haunted by the practicality of compatriots who are ready to sacrifice a lot for their families, especially since there are enough "freeloaders" in the conditions of a traditionally large family. "My daughter is a prostitute!" The Somali exclaims bitterly, clearly aware that he is living in the care of his daughter. Housing in Italy, as Farah notes, many Somalis get only because their relatives get to work as servants. This becomes another reason for the biased attitude towards them on the part of "prizhival".
Demonstrative pride, independence, self-love (in Somali, all this is denoted by the word kibir) - qualities that, according to Farah, should be abandoned first of all if Somalis are trying to successfully adapt to a foreign society and at the same time, oddly enough, preserve their ethnic identity. However, the Somali experience shows that in most cases ethnic identity is replaced by clan (and in some cases even religious) identity, which feeds kibir. At the same time, Farah does not say this, but it is clear from the narrative that clan support becomes the key to the survival of the diaspora, or at least the most successful clans, and not just individuals.
In the UK, Somalis appeared at the end of the XIX century. When the shipping industry began to use coal as fuel, the whites were unable to withstand for long the loads that fell to the share of stokers in boiler rooms, where the temperature often reached 50 C. The solution was found in the importation of young able-bodied men from the northern regions of Somalia under the British protectorate.
Instability in Somalia Especially since the early 1990s, it has generated a flood of refugees from areas formerly under the British protectorate. Although their education is significantly higher than that of their predecessors who arrived in England at the turn of the century, their qualifications were not properly recognized. Despite the unfriendly attitude of the British towards refugees, especially black people, London remains a dream for many Somalis. Newspapers are full of stories about racist attacks on refugees and police bias against immigrants. Many Somalis explain their stay in the UK primarily by the fact that here they get the opportunity to learn the main language of world communication, regardless of their status. This is especially emphasized by the heads of families whose children are beginning to speak English: "We have heard that money is bad, but education is good. We prefer education in English to any other European language...".
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In Switzerland, the first 30 Somalis received refugee status in the late 1970s, fleeing the repression of S. Barre. For most of the refugees, this country has become the last hope after long wanderings in search of asylum. Geneva prides itself on its loyalty to immigrants, especially refugees, and its adherence to the letter of the law. But it is extremely difficult to get official refugee status here. Most Somalis have an "F" certificate, which entitles the holder to a monthly allowance, but does not allow them to officially get a job. Such people usually live in homes in rural areas, where it is very difficult for them to find a permanent job.
Later, another group of 30 Somalis managed to obtain refugee status: they were evacuated from refugee camps in Kenya and recommended by the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees as the most vulnerable category of citizens. Farah began his journey in Kenya, conducting interviews in Somali refugee camps. He cites the stories of his compatriots about their misadventures, the theme of which later varies repeatedly in the novel. Chapters about the stay of Somalis in Kenya are filled with the author's undisguised pain for his people, for his country.
In Sweden, Somalis are the largest group of citizens from African countries. In the best position were those who immigrated here in the 1950s and 1970s-the attitude towards them was initially quite friendly. But then came a period of mutual frustration. First of all, it covered the" guests " from the Gambia, where the Swedes vacationing there generously distributed invitations to local friends, but at home they received them extremely restrained. Those who were "staying away" repeatedly had to be deported from the country or placed in "African ghettos" - this is what the immigrants themselves call refugee camps. The camp administration also resettles refugees based on race. It is believed that if people from African countries live together, there will be more order. However, in recent years, many camps have already taken into account the need to accommodate refugees on the basis of ethnicity, and in special cases, take into account the clan affiliation. Local teenagers periodically set fire to and paint graffiti on the walls of the camps, rudely inviting refugees to return to their homeland. Respondents repeatedly told Farah that they would prefer to end up in a Swedish prison, where, in their opinion, living conditions are much better than in refugee camps. Among the reasons that prompted the author to write this book, he cites the sensational case of a Somali teenager who was tried in a Swedish court for the murder of one of the racists who attacked him in a local department store. Descriptions of such situations can be found on the pages of newspapers and in the works of researchers commissioned by international charitable or humanitarian organizations. In the novel, Farah gives his own interpretation of what is happening.
According to critics, on the pages of Farah 3's novels there is always an interaction and struggle of opposites: people and animals, men and women, prosperous and dysfunctional countries and peoples. However, in this novel, such opposites are extremely difficult to identify. There are no parallels between the present and the past of Somalia - the author does not feel nostalgia for the past of his homeland. Perhaps the author is trying to identify clan contradictions? Contradictions between traditional and modern societies? Or the contradictions of "fathers" and "children"? Fathers who have remained true to their ideals and are ready to fight for the reconstruction of Somalia. And the younger generation, which, having passed through the trials of the regime of S. Barre, has lost faith in a just government and joins local armed groups. In neighboring African countries, Somali refugees are called keen-"give" because of the large number of beggars among them. Inside their own country, they do not ask for anything, they simply rob, including policemen and law enforcement officers.
Farah is not indifferent to the present and future of his homeland, for which he has become an exile. "When S. Barre was in power, it was very clear who your enemy was. A lot has changed since then. Everything has become more complicated and confusing. So many mini siyads of barre have appeared, and I'm not on their side, " says the writer.
The genre of the documentary novel, in my opinion, was chosen by Farah for a reason: the problems raised in the book are too acute-religious and clan changes, the dramatic evolution of social ties in Somali society. If he had been a foreign observer who disagreed with the opinion he expressed in his book, Somalis would easily have blamed him
page 181
It is accused of "imperialist intentions" to sway the Somalis among themselves, weaken and conquer Somalia. And here - a compatriot, and even enjoying international recognition.
The situation in Somalia and the mood within the Somali diaspora are not safe for outspoken statements, although the Somali proverb says: "Until we talk, we will not agree." Nevertheless, the author's direct speech on the pages of the book is quite rare: his characters speak, men and women, pessimists and optimists, young people and the elderly.
Nuruddin Farah's book allows readers to get into the inner world of the Somali diaspora and, if not understand its problems, at least learn about them.
notes
Gray St. 1 Farah: the Novelist and the Nomad // Publishers Weekly. August 23, 1999.
2 The unrest, which turned into a civil war between clans, began after the fall of the dictatorial regime of S. Barre in 1991.
3 In the near future, three novels by N. Farah will be reprinted in the United States: "Genealogies "("Maps", 1986), "Gifts" ("Gifts", 1993) and "Secrets" ("Secrets", 1998).
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