R. G. LANDA. THE FATE OF THE MORISKS, Moscow, IV RAS, 2013.399 p.

R. G. Landa's monograph is devoted to the history of the Moriscos, i.e. the Muslims of Spain who were forcibly converted to Christianity at the end of the so - called Reconquista-a seven-hundred-year war for the liberation of the Iberian lands captured by Muslims since the end of the 7th century. After being forced to adopt Christianity from the end of the 15th century, converted Muslims could not immediately abandon their customs, abandon their entire culture overnight, became one of the objects (along with converted Marrani Jews, Protestants, dissidents, and others) of religious and ethnic cleansing, and were eventually expelled from the united Catholic country.

It seems that the phenomenon is not unique in world history, but its special specificity, uniqueness and tragedy lie in the fact that the Muslims, whose descendants were Morisks, were not ordinary conquerors, robbers and cruel exploiters. Being at the peak of the passion of early Islam, yesterday's nomadic Arabs brought to the Iberian Peninsula the culture of the recently conquered centers of ancient civilizations-Arabia, Iran, Palestine, Egypt. As a result, during the long coexistence in war and peace of the Muslim emirates and Christian principalities, a beneficial symbiosis of cultures has emerged, a synthesis of civilizations that is on the rise of Muslim and very specific Christian-Iberian.

All this serves only as a background for this research, which has certainly become an outstanding phenomenon in modern scientific historical literature. The author opens up a new world, almost unknown not only to ordinary readers, but also to specialists. Fortunately, such works, which concentrate fascinating subjects of history, sociology, ethnology and cultural studies, occasionally appear in post-Soviet Oriental studies, each time becoming a bright event (the previous work of such genre specifics and scientific priority was the book" Islands of the Socotra Archipelago " by V. V. Naumkin). At the same time, there is no single point of view in world or even in Spanish studies on the role of the Moriscos and their contribution to the general culture of Spain, Arab-Moorish Andalusia (the country of Al-Andalus, as it is called by the Arabs), as well as Algeria, Morocco and Tunisia, where they mostly moved after the exile. History and many historians have dealt harshly with them, especially when you consider that the Morisci-Muslims who were forcibly converted to Christianity - were not even direct descendants of the Arab conquerors. The vast majority of their ancestors were Christians (Iberians, Celts, Lusitanians, Visigoths and other peoples) who converted to Islam, often in infancy, during the long centuries of Muslim rule over a large part of Spanish territory. Of course, over time, their grandsons and great-grandsons adopted the Arabic language, culture, customs, and very often the genealogy of the conquerors (these and similar phenomena are typical of the entire world history).

The monograph consists of four chapters that represent a clearly defined structural integrity. At the same time, the structure itself has a pronounced problem approach: a set of problems is laid down in each chapter, each individual paragraph contains a scientific question.

The first chapter, " The Heirs of Al-Andalus "(pp. 17-43), is intended as an introduction, and includes two paragraphs: "Moors and Mudejars" and "The Emergence of the Moriscan problem".

At the beginning of the first paragraph, the author, preparing the reader, introduces him to the essence of the concepts of "Moors", "Morisci", "Al-Andalus", the origin of their names. From the very beginning, we are convinced that even in these cases everything is ambiguous, there are different opinions on the origin of these terms, disputes about their content, the most polar, sometimes even semi-fantastic

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versions by representatives of European and North African historical schools. For example, the Spanish orientalist H. V. Bermejo is inclined to ascribe the origin of the toponym "Al-Lndalus" to the mythical Atlantis (p. 21).

Much attention in this section is paid to the ethno-religious situation on the Iberian Peninsula and beyond, inter-civilizational contacts, cultural synthesis, and sometimes to ethnogenesis. The mutual rapprochement and repulsion of East and West have occurred and continue to occur in the Mediterranean basin almost throughout the history of mankind. The invasion of the Iberian Peninsula by Muslims from North Africa in 711-716 and the formation of the country of Al-Lndalus on the site of the Romanized Visigothic kingdom, the dominance of the Arabic language and Islam established there over time, with the preserved symbiosis of different ethnic groups and religions-all this was only a pronounced episode of this long process (p.22).

The dawn of Al-Andalus was short-lived. The long period (from the beginning of the XI to the end of the XV century) of the ever-increasing offensive of the Reconquista, the slow retreat of the Moors under the onslaught of Christians led to the emergence of new population groups. Over time, the most significant group as the Reconquista moved south became the Mudejars - "Latinized Moors" who submitted to the Christian kings by treaty, by capitulation, or by virtue of a concluded alliance. They still retained their lands and possessions, customs and religion, and enjoyed various privileges. Moors who did not agree to become Mudejars left the territory captured by Christians and in this case had the right to take all their property with them. At that time, the Christian kings of Aragon and Castile, Portugal and Navarre still sought not to expel, but to keep the Muslims in the conquered lands.

The second paragraph of the first chapter begins with the fall of Granada (1492) and the exodus of a part of the population to the Maghreb. The author notes that after the capitulation, the Moors of Granada theoretically fell into the position of mudejars, but until the end of the XV century, 67 articles of the treaty were in force, which stipulated their rights to profess Islam and enjoy the inviolability of their person, property and home. However, after destroying the statehood of Al-Andalus, Kings Ferdinand II of Aragon and Isabella of Castile began to gradually eliminate its social structure.

On the following pages of the section, we find the author's analysis of the evolution of the religious policy of Catholic kings towards minorities (primarily Muslims and Jews). There was also a certain turning point in 1499, when the authorities no longer sought to keep Muslims in the country. R. G. Landa explains this by showing the consequences of the same high-profile historical events-the discovery of America and the expulsion of the Moors. Their consequences were reflected quickly enough, and Spain began to turn into a world power. Christian colonists flooded into the former territory of the emirate, imposed new taxes on Muslims and began to demand their conversion to Catholicism, and at the same time accused them of violating the agreement of 1492 and preparing for an uprising. At the same time, the baptism of the first group of 4 thousand Muslims, intimidated by the prospect of exile, was "organized". Many Muslims faltered: only in 1499, up to 50 thousand Moors of Granada were baptized, openly resisting were arrested, many fled to the Alpujarra mountains. Riots broke out in other parts of Andalusia (as the south of Spain became known). After the rebels were beaten, after another wave of emigration, the forced baptism of the remaining ones began. Since 1501. Virtually all the remaining Mudejars in Granada became Moriscos, and on February 11, 1502, a royal decree ordered all Muslims in Castile and Leon to either leave or be baptized. The author notes that the majority remained (p. 37-40) and that "... the authorities no longer wanted to assimilate, but to oust the Morisks from the peninsula" (p.41). Thus arose in Spain (and Portugal) the problem of the Moriscos, under the sign of the struggle with which the entire XVI century passed.

The second chapter of " Morisci in Spain "(pp. 43-136) consists of four paragraphs, each of which deals with a separate aspect of socio-economic, ethnopolitical or cultural nature. The first paragraph, "Spanish Society of the Golden Age", draws on material that is not very familiar to the world, (especially) Spanish historiography. And this is understandable, because the sixteenth century was the apogee of Spain's power and cultural development, and at the same time-the time of the most brutal persecution of the Moriscos. It was then that Spain became a world power, the leader of Christendom, and the proverb " The world trembles when Spain moves." The section briefly notes the achievements and failures of this war-filled period and highlights the connection between Spain's North African expansion and the internal Moriscan problem. The authorities and the church perceived the Morisks, regardless of their behavior, as a kind of "fifth column" of the Ottoman Empire, an agent of the most dangerous

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enemy of the kingdom. And those, in turn, the author points out, paid their ruthless pursuers in the same coin. The Morisci of Granada, Aragon, and Valencia felt cheated and humiliated by forced Christianization. Special attention is paid to the growing hostility to the Moriscos on the part of the semi - impoverished Hidalgo nobles, who were envious of their wealth and formed a significant layer of Castilian and Aragonese societies (p.50). Even worse were the Moriscos among the lower classes of the city, where the Catholic faith was their only asset. But first of all, the generator of hostility was the church, and especially the Inquisition, which was everywhere looking for its victims. The general attitude of the authorities towards the neophyte ethnic minorities (i.e., the Moriscos, Marranos, as well as Spanish "heretics" - Protestants, dissidents, etc.) is fully expressed in the statement of Philip II that he would rather "lose all possessions and a hundred lives, if I had them, than rule over heretics" (p. 55).

At the beginning of the second paragraph- "The economic and social role of the Moriscos in Spain" - the demographic aspect is considered from the perspective of a general problem. R. G. Landa notes that the question of the number of Morisks has not yet been resolved. Data on the population of Al-Andalus in the X, XIII and XV-XVI centuries are presented. In the last period, according to conservative estimates, the Morisci numbered at least 0.5 million people and, being an undoubted minority, occupied a prominent place in the public life of Spain (pp. 60-61).

The "Purity of Blood Statutes" adopted at the end of the 15th century practically closed the prospect of any state or ecclesiastical career for the Moriscos, as well as for other newly converted Christians. Attempts by some of the noble Moriscos since 1510 to secure the title of hidalgo have failed. In fact, they remained second-class people (p. 63). The Morisks had no choice but to rely on their hands and abilities. Using the cohesion of their communities, they engaged in handicrafts, trade and manufacturing (thanks to them, the production of wool, cloth and cane sugar, ceramics, olive oil, silk dressing and other industries flourished). In the cities, the Morisci formed a significant mass of gardeners, water carriers, bakers, butchers, weavers, tailors. At the same time, on the basis of sources, R. G. Landa comes to the conclusion that in the last decade of the XVI century, a lot of poor, handymen and servants appeared among the Moriscos. This is indirect evidence of the relative impoverishment of the Moriscos, as well as a consequence of the emigration of wealthier families from Spain, inflated taxes, bans on many professions, and the persecution of the Inquisition. Nevertheless, the Morisci community continued to play a very significant role in the economic development of the kingdom (p. 65).

Further, the author, once again returning to the state policy of forming a false "image of the enemy" in the face of the Morisks, and the growing hatred of the nobility and rabble for them, concludes that the insurmountable intransigence and violence on both sides could end "only with a voluntary or forced exodus of the Morisks from the peninsula" (p.67).

In the third paragraph of the second chapter - "Religion, culture and life of the Moriscos" - the leitmotif of forced baptism continues again. Hence, it became necessary to perform all Christian rites outwardly (ostentatiously). The author believes that this only strengthened the desire to protect one's identity, to defend it even at the cost of one's life. But this slowed down the process of cultural, linguistic and everyday assimilation with the Spanish-Catholic environment, a process that, under favorable conditions, would have become natural and irreversible. At the same time, in the face of persecution and hostility, the differences of the newly converted ethnic minority were determined and strengthened: 1) "religious difference" (the practice of clandestine Islam); 2) "difference in language" (adherence to previously established dialects based on the fusion of Arabic and Catalan, as well as variants of Hispanized Farsi, Urdu, etc.); 3) "difference in customs and customs" (in food, hygiene practices, holidays 4) "differences in physical traits and temperament" (in hair color, gestures and mannerisms, etc., which, however, was not always manifested) (p. 70).

The question of whether the Moriscos belong to a particular civilization is particularly discussed in this section. The question is important for the topic, but very complex: the civilization of Al-Andalus itself was a synthesis of many cultures, its Moriscan heirs were introduced to the Spanish civilization, at the same time, their belonging to the broader culture of the entire Arab West is clearly traced, when " the Arab-Spanish culture continued to exist in Christian Spain, and then was transferred in Morocco and Tunisia" (p. 72). Several particular definitions of the Moriscan culture are proposed. The author himself comes to the conclusion that " ... precisely because the Moriscan culture represented a kind of unity of common features of Muslim culture

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The Arab West, including the Maghreb, and the Christian culture of the Iberian Peninsula, it was capable of assimilation with both" (p. 74).

The fourth paragraph of the chapter "Women in the Moriscan society" highlights this important civilizational aspect from the previous ethnological and cultural material. First, the defining trend is again emphasized: the Moriscos were both a faction of Spanish society and an alien element in its composition (p.125). The former Al-Andalus was a bridge between Europe and Africa, a battleground between two cultures of East and West. This was reflected in everything, including the situation of women, who were much more free, educated and socially independent in Al-Andalus than in other countries of Islam. Therefore, despite the fact that Christians and Muslims of the peninsula (the heirs of Al-Andalus) had a lot in common, the differences remained (as mentioned above). In many respects, this was especially true for Moriscan women, who most carefully preserved the ethnic characteristics of their community and, above all, sought to adhere to traditional rituals when entering into marriage, giving birth to a child, burying the dead, and other important moments of family and social life.

After the fall of Granada, the Muslim women of Spain shared the fate of their husbands, fathers and brothers. The violation of the terms of 1492 and the repression gradually turned the Moors into Moriscos, first pitting the "old" and "new" Christians against each other, and then creating a resistance of the latter, in which women played a major role as guardians of family values.

The inevitable consequences of the crisis of Andalusian society were the crisis of the Moriscan family, an increase in the number of widows, abandoned wives, orphans, and helpless old people. In such circumstances, the role of women has increased dramatically. There was an idea of "Moriscan magic", which was entirely related to the "female competence": health protection, healing, guarantees for offspring, protection of children, love spells, etc.

As part of a persecuted minority, the Moriscan woman was fully aware of her role in the struggle of the entire Moriscan community for her own identity, special culture and specifics, including religious ones. She was at the heart of this religious and cultural resistance, complementing Christian baptism with the Muslim rite of fada, sometimes simply disposing of the baptismal ceremony, opposing the sacrament of Christian marriage, and marrying outside the control of the state and church (pp. 125-128).

Although the Morisci family had an average of 4-5 children, most of the Morisci women were engaged in manufacturing, particularly in Granada in the 1560s. 786 of them were engaged in silk making. R. G. Landa emphasizes their role in agriculture, where the most affluent of the Morisci women kept several dozen heads of large cattle. In the Duchy of Gandia, they worked on sugar cane plantations, and in the Granada region, 14 of them independently owned vineyards, olive groves, and creameries. But most of them, the author continues, did not have the opportunity (or need) to manage their own household, being either servants in the homes of the Spanish nobility and nobility (rarely in the homes of wealthy Moriscos), or hired workers in various trade or craft enterprises, or remaining housewives (usually in relatively well-to-do families) (p. 129).

Belatedly discovering the role of Moriscan women in society, the inquisitors stepped up their surveillance, forbidding them to speak Arabic to children, wear traditional clothing and jewelry, even sing Andalusian songs and use traditional instruments. Among the Moriscos punished by the Inquisition, 53% were women, and 72 women were burned at the stake of the Inquisition during the 77 years of their persecution. The rest were subjected to torture, beatings in cells and during interrogations. Many died in prisons and dungeons (p. 132).

There is nothing surprising in the fact that Moriscan women, along with all the types of resistance mentioned above, participated in the armed struggle, were subjected to wholesale extermination, sale into slavery, exile, etc. (p. 136).

The third chapter, "The Tragedy of the Exodus "(pp. 137-242), also consists of four paragraphs, mainly devoted to military-political and foreign policy issues. All the previous material in the book leads to the specifics of the first paragraph "The Alpujarra Uprising". At its peak in the mid-sixteenth century, the Morisci "Empire of the Sun" remained strangers to the authorities, a gift to the Inquisition; a political stalemate, fraught with an explosion of violence, arose, and this happened.

Quite naturally, it all started in Alpujarra, a remote mountainous region in the east of the former emirate of Granada, where the traditions of Muslims were most strong

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Al-Andalus. The author cites data that in the former emirate of 275 thousand inhabitants there were 120 thousand Morisks, i.e. about 45%. They were in constant contact with the departed Moriscos and enjoyed their support, and their elite had someone else to rely on, which was clearly underestimated by the authorities and clergy. Therefore, when the Morisci finally rebelled in response to restrictions, insults, and reprisals (in 1564-1568, 300 Morisci were burned at the stake of the Inquisition, and many more were exiled, imprisoned, and tortured), it was almost a complete surprise to the Spaniards (pp. 139-141).

The foreign policy situation of Spain, which fought all over the world (this is described in detail in various paragraphs of the monograph) favored the Moriscos. They were also supported by the powerful enemies of Spain - the Ottoman Sultans Suleiman Qanuni, Selim II, and others-with weapons and volunteers (ghazi). On Christmas Eve 1568, the rebels chose as their leader 24-year-old Hernando de Cordoba y Valor, who proclaimed himself emir. In May 1569, the rebels descended from the mountains to the plain and launched an offensive. The monograph contains many facts and details about the" course " of the uprising, the alignment of forces, the specifics of the war, etc. The author analyzes the reasons for the defeat (after all, according to the author, "the defeat of the Moriscos was not immediately determined") (p. 157) and the consequences of the uprising. Among the main analytical conclusions of R. G. Landa are the following: "It was during the war in Alpujarra that Madrid first started talking about the possibility of expelling all the Moriscos from the country "(p.162); "...the external factor that powerfully interfered in the relations of the" old Christians" of Spain with the ethno-confessional minorities of the country ultimately played a huge role in the fate of the Moriscos " (p. 165).

The second paragraph is specifically devoted to the problem of "External factor". First, the section notes that the war in Alpujarra and the change in the balance of power in the Mediterranean coincided in time, and, despite the resounding victory at Lepanto, did not give Spain immediate strategic benefits, but only led to the truce of 1581, which both the Ottomans and the Spaniards needed. Second, Spain (which had failed to find permanent European allies against the Ottomans) intervened in the religious war in France, and from 1580 Spanish troops systematically invaded French territory, supporting the Catholic League of the Dukes of Guise. Third, although the annexation of Portugal and its colonies (1580-1581) greatly strengthened the power of Philip II, he was never able to suppress the revolution that had been unfolding in the Netherlands since 1565. Fourth, in 1588, the giant flotilla "Invincible Armada", sent by the king to crush England, was destroyed (partly by the Anglo-Saxons, partly by a storm). According to the author, this was the heaviest blow to the sea power of Spain, which then lost it to its long - time competitor, England (p. 171). However, this can be doubted specifically. Most of the Armada's ships, albeit somewhat battered, returned with troops and weapons to the ports of Spain, and the maritime rule of Britain was not formed immediately (and not under Elizabeth I), but as a result of the early bourgeois development of England in comparison with archaic feudal Spain.

R. G. Landa gives an analysis of the foreign policy and military situation not out of love for art, but through the prism of the main tasks of the monograph. All these events were entwined in a complex knot of geopolitical, ideological, military and political contradictions and in one way or another affected the situation of the Moriscos. Having created numerous guerrilla groups, they actually continued the war, this time throughout Spain "...spreading panic among the Christian population during raids carried out jointly with those who arrived from Barbary "(R. G. Landa estimates the number of rebels at 35 thousand) (p. 168). Among the Moriscos, rumors spread widely about the imminent arrival of the Ottomans, as well as about the upcoming invasion of Spain by French Huguenots, who "will be supported by 60 thousand people." the revolted converts of Christians" (p. 170). And this, in turn, provoked Spain to external military adventures, which were mentioned above. Finally, during the war, the Morisci (following the Maghreb pirates), based on Djerba Island, in the ports of Tunis and Bizerte, in the cities of Bijaya, Algeria, Shershel, Oran, etc., turned them into sea fortresses and "semi-independent corsair republics" (p.173).

"The role of the Inquisition" the third paragraph of the chapter is, of course, of particular interest. Much has been written about the Inquisition in general and the Spanish one in particular. But the Inquisition and the Morisks are a special aspect. In the review, following the author of the monograph, it was mentioned that the "new Christians" became a gift for the holy tribunal. From the very beginning, R. G. Landa expresses his position, not agreeing with the opinion of J.-P. Dedier from Bordeaux that the Inquisition was considered "the main instrument of assimilation of the Moriscos" (p. 173). However, the author's personal opinions will be formulated as follows:-

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come back later. At first, not without discussions with other experts (foreign, because there are no domestic ones), R. G. Landa reveals to the reader the principles of organizing a very specific Spanish inquisition (after all, "there is no pope for Spain," Philip II once said to the Roman legate.-A. R.). It is noted that the course of action of the Holy Tribunal is noticeably affected the foreign policy circumstances discussed above and the "Moriscos problem"were influenced. One gets the impression that the latter (along with the struggle for the purity of blood) is the most important difference between the Spanish Inquisition, for example, and the German Inquisition with its hunt for witches and witchers. Internal specifics determined tougher actions in some provinces than in others, and in some places (old Castile, where there were fewer Moriscos), hunting for heretics among "old Christians", i.e. ethnic Spaniards, prevailed.

The statistics that have been carefully processed and compared over a long period of time (1540-1614) and in different provinces, as well as the percentage of men and women, are very important, and the leitmotif of the special predilection of the Tribunal for the "beloved" lost Moriscan children is once again confirmed on the basis of digital data, even at the expense of a sharp decrease in persecution "Judaizing", Protestants and heretics. It is noted that the work of the "dogs of God" was generously rewarded with fines and compensations; both the crown and local authorities were not offended. The usual register of charges is also given, which was very primitive and not very diverse (pp. 176-178).

Actually, R. G. Landa's personal assessments of the nature of the Inquisition's activities and true goals are shown in different parts of the section in connection with various aspects of the study. But the basic idea boils down to the fact that the activities of the Spanish Inquisition were a terror that evolved for about 120 years (since 1495). At the same time, the Inquisition from the very beginning "set a course to eradicate all the heritage of Al-Andalus and any "presence of Moors" on the Iberian Peninsula. And naturally, in the future, after the transformation of Mudejars into Morisks, this policy only became tougher." At the same time, R. G. Landa believes that the Moriscan community, like any other human community, sought to live "like a human, even in inhumane conditions" (p.183). It may not be so clear-cut. After all, on the one hand, many pages of the monograph (including those discussed below) repeatedly spoke about the real reluctance of new converts to accept most of the new rites, customs, morals, about persistent resistance and their own culture (synthesized, as far as it was clear to them, despite these vows). On the other hand, Spanish society, permeated by the typical intolerance and sanctimonious cruelty of any medieval monotheistic society, still had to defend its own identity, especially in the context of a centuries-old struggle for survival (and there was no other ideology and could not have been). Of course, for a modern "multicultural" society, it is indecent to talk about the struggle for "purity of blood", faith, etc. (although this happens everywhere). Perhaps, for the survival of the nation, the establishment of a" pan-Spanish " peace, there were no other methods other than inquisitorial barbarism. After all, even the Holy Tribunal provided its victims with a "devil's advocate."

The fourth paragraph of the third chapter, "The Exile of the Moriscos", represents the thematic climax, the denouement of the intrigue of the work, even though it is a highly scientific study. The monograph has already mentioned that the projects of expelling the Moriscos from Spain originated during the war of 1568-1571 in Alpujarra. But the idea of a" final solution " continued to take shape. The development of the idea is considered against the historical background of Spain, which has already experienced its "golden age", in connection with the characteristics of successive kings on the throne, foreign policy and internal conflicts, great houses and various forms of favoritism. But the leitmotif remains that the Morisks are not reconciled, integration is not expected, and attempts at revenge are very possible. As the author noted, even the secret high-ranking patrons of the Moriscos (including King Philip III) could not reverse the split trends under these conditions. In addition, the author notes that along with the internal tension created by the" Moriskov factor " (the number of trials against them steadily increased), the threat to external security also grew (emphasis added - A. R. Moriskov).The Maghreb Morisci and local Muslims supplied their Spanish brethren with weapons, and not only the Ottomans, but also the Netherlands were ready to provide them with assistance (p. 225). All this information was received almost daily in Spain (p. 226). At the same time, most Morisks did not want to leave their homeland, but hoped for liberation, "for help from heaven and the Turks" (p.227).

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The author's conclusion is important: "It was necessary to take a decisive turn in the attitude towards the Morisci: either get rid of them forever, or recognize their rights as an original minority in cultural, linguistic, ethno-confessional and socio-legal terms" (p. 227). Further, R. G. Landa notes that the second option was excluded due to the circumstances discussed more than once above, and "at the same time, it cannot be argued... that the second option was absolutely (emphasis added - A. R.) impossible." Despite the apparent dualism, the conclusions (or considerations) are quite logical: R. G. Landa points out that there was a slow and very difficult evolution. That by the beginning of the 17th century the Morisci were no longer the same as at their baptism, and were not such a force because of the decline in numbers (here are demographic data; and in addition, there was a small but still successful experience of assimilation of the Morisci in La Mancha).

However, the first option was implemented: after much discussion and hesitation, it was decided to expel the Morisks. This was officially announced on September 22, 1609. On September 30 of the same year, the first ships with morisks sailed to Africa. During the three months of 1609, 116-120 thousand people left Valencia. Not everywhere the expulsion took place calmly: some of them resigned themselves to their fate due to the unbearable situation, while others put up armed resistance, which was brutally suppressed by the authorities (p.233).

The exodus was disastrous, especially for Valencia, where the largest community lived. The study shows that 200 villages have completely disappeared, the population of rural areas has decreased by half, and the entire region-by a third. It took about 100 years to restore the previous population size. This also affected other areas, for which "loss statistics" is also provided on the pages of the section (p. 234). The author, after a comparative analysis of sources, notes that the exact number of exiles is unknown due to different counting systems, but perhaps the number of them was close to 900 thousand.

R. G. Landa again asks a question that is largely central to the study: what were the immediate results of the mass exodus of Morisks? Has Spain become more united, powerful and prosperous by getting rid of them? His answer is categorical, even worse - "exactly the opposite", which is argued on the following pages of the paragraph (pp. 237-242).

Chapter IV - the last chord of the book and the fate of the Moriscos that goes back centuries - "life outside the motherland". It consists of three paragraphs. The first one," Natives of Al-Andalus in the World of Islam", is preceded by a short prologue (very similar to the epilogue to the previous paragraph). Although the history of the subjunctive mood does not know, the question is asked: what would have happened if the Morisci had remained in Spain as its full-fledged citizens? R. G. Landa reasonably suggests that the socio-economic and cultural development of the country would only have benefited from the activity and entrepreneurship of new Christians in the most important spheres of public life (although he could have the completely opposite scenario, which has been played out many times in history, may also be realized. - A. R.). However, other countries and societies that have accepted exiles have won.

At the beginning of the paragraph, it is noted that the fate of the Moriscos in the Arab-Muslim world was a continuation of the fate of the previous waves of emigration from Al-Andalus described in these pages (pp. 246-247). Migrations from October to November 1609 were mainly directed to the Algerian coast, from where they almost immediately settled in the neighboring Maghreb sultanates of Fez and Marrakech, partly in the Tlemcen and Algerian regions. Then they dispersed to the Middle East (Tunis, Tripoli, Egypt, Istanbul, Alexandria, etc.). It is also important that some migration flows settled in the Christian societies of Genoa and Livorno.

References to Spanish and other Western sources point to the poor reception given to the Morisci by the Maghreb Muslims. Many of them died from exhaustion and poor living conditions, and even more suffered from pirates, robbers and Spanish, Portuguese and other sailors who transported them. Approximate data on arrivals to different regions of the Maghreb are given in the text (pp. 248-249). On the pages of this section, we find a detailed description of the specialization, adaptation, type of activity, and living conditions of former Morisks in various parts of the Muslim and partly Christian world (pp. 251-283).

The content of the second paragraph is clearly indicated by its title "Morisks in Europe and America". When the reader in the previous text finds mention of the settling of a part of the Morisci on the migration routes in the Italian regions, he still cannot imagine how extensive the geography of their settlement is, and therefore their trace in the culture of social life of other peoples.

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In fact, very few Moriscos were allowed to remain in Spain, and later they mixed with the Gypsies. Some of those who migrated through France managed to settle there, although they had to prove that they were already true Christians, and not renegades. They were engaged in the same activities as in Spain, especially famous for the manufacture of silk and tulle in addition to trade and various crafts. In other parts of Europe (mainly Sicily, Sardinia, and southern Italy, which were then Spanish possessions and from which the Morisci were also expelled, but not as violently as from Spain), the Morisci retained their traditional occupations. Some families were able to establish themselves in the center of Italy in Rome, Livorno, Pisa (p. 286).

The author analyzes the data of recent years on the stay of Moriscos in America. In theory, they were banned from entering these overseas possessions of Spain. However, this prohibition was violated much more often than it was observed. There, too, the treatment of minorities, including those persecuted in Spain, was more tolerant because of the gradual mixing of Spanish and Native American blood. The specifics of the situation in South America in the first decades of the conquest were used by the Morisci both to establish themselves in the new lands and to continue to resist the attempts of the authorities to depersonalize them. In this sense, America was preferable to the Mediterranean for the Moriscos, and the church, primarily engaged in the baptism of Indians, behaved differently than in the mother country. All this allowed the Morisci to actively realize themselves in trade, industry, urban planning, horse breeding, and finally gain stability and prosperity in the new society (pp. 288-292). At the same time, the Moriscos in America gradually lost Islam as an element of their ethno-cultural identity (i.e., something happened that was not implemented in Spain for a much longer period of time) (pp. 293-294).

R. G. Landa's intermediate conclusion is that, although there are no exact data on the number of Morisks in Europe and America, the degree of their influence on the diversity of civilizational processes is sufficiently fully covered. "And it confirms, the author concludes, the idea already expressed earlier that Spain basically lost by expelling the Moriscos" (p. 296).

The last, third paragraph of the chapter and monograph "Moriski in literature and Art". It should be clarified that we are not talking about the contribution of the Moriscos themselves to the treasury of Spanish culture (this was mentioned more than once on the previous pages of the monograph), but about the "theme of the Moriscos", the interest in them in Spanish spiritual culture. Of course, first of all there is the figure of Cervantes. "No other Spanish writer," the paragraph quotes, "has shown so much interest in the Moriscos as did Miguel Cervantes de Saavedra, a great literary genius and an equally keen connoisseur of the culture of the Arab-Muslim world" (p. 297).

Along with Cervantes, the most famous writers and playwrights who showed an interest in the Moriscos theme are mentioned (for example, Perez de Ita, who is considered the author of the first historical novel in the world dedicated to the fall of Granada), but it is clear to the reader that they are all the tip of the iceberg, because the Moriscos theme could not be ignored at all, neither in literature countries. The author notes that most of the works of Spanish literature were not dominated by hostility to the Moriscans (p. 303).

R. G. Landa especially highlights Jan Potocki's novel "The Manuscript Found in Zaragoza" and Eugene Scribe's novel "Piquillo Alliaga, or the Moors under Philip III" and gives a description of these works. The "Moriscan theme" in paintings, engravings, murals of Spanish cathedrals, theater, dance, etc. is colorfully discussed on the pages of the section (pp. 308-310), because this theme has become an integral part of Spanish folk culture. In general, according to the author, the Morisci (and before them the Moors and Mudejars) are alive in their homeland and beyond in the memory of their descendants and those peoples to whose spiritual and material culture they made an indisputable contribution.

In the conclusion, which is rather voluminous for a monograph (pp. 317-328), the author once again comprehends the world of the Moriscos, its exclusivity, brilliance and tragedy. Perhaps, first of all, the idea of identity arises again, which was of a transitional and borderline nature, while simultaneously representing the East and the West.

Thus, we have a brilliant synthesis of rigorous, highly scientific research and a broad journalistic genre with vivid descriptions of wars, political conflicts, the characters of prominent figures, and folklore sketches. The monograph in all its facets is colored by the author's outstanding scientific and literary talent, so it will be of interest not only for historians-medievalists and Orientalists, but also for the widest range of readers.

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