In the first half of the 18th century, on the Russian-Chinese border near the Russian Kyakhta and the Chinese trading settlement of Maimaicheng, a special Kyakhta-Chinese pidgin began to form, which explained Chinese merchants who came to this area to conduct trade with Russians. For quite a long time, this jargon became an intermediary language that generally met the needs of bilateral trade and contacts between representatives of the two states.

Keywords: Russian-Chinese relations, cross-border trade, Kalgan School of the Russian Language, Russian in China, language mixing, dialects and adverbs.

The development of Russian-Chinese contacts led to the signing of the first interstate agreement, the Treaty of Nerchinsk, in 1689. However, it soon became clear that this document did not meet the pace of development of bilateral relations, and on August 20, 1727, Ambassador Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary Count S. L. Vladislavich-Raguzinsky concluded the Burin Treaty with China, which consolidated the parties ' agreements on border demarcation. A few months later, on October 21, 1727, the Kyakhta Treaty was signed, which for a long time (until the middle of the XIX century) formulated the main approaches to the development of bilateral contacts, including trade. In the summer of 1728, the Kyakhta Treaty was ratified by the Russian authorities.

The terms of the new interstate document were supposed to be "at the borders"... merchants will climb a convenient place... on the Selenga Kyakhta, where houses will be built and fenced. And anyone who wants to go to this place for the sake of merchants, but only goes straight ahead " [Collection of treaties between Russia and China, 1889, p.54]. The future trading settlement-Kyakhta 1-was decided to be built four versts from the Trinity Fortress. The Russian ambassador entrusted Captain Knyaginkin with the construction of the fortress, placing at his disposal 350 soldiers of the Yakut regiment and 30 Cossacks sent from Udinsk [Klimov, 1978, p. 13; Tugutov, 1954, p.7]. The Kyakhta outpost was planned to be built in a year, which was done - in 1728, the construction was completed.

1 The settlement got its name from the shallow Kyakhta River. And the word "Kyakhta" itself, according to some sources, came from the Buryat word "khayagta", which meant wheatgrass or wheatgrass place [Zhirov, 2005, p. 139; Klimov, 1978, p. 13], according to other sources-from the Mongolian "Kyagtu" - the name of a local tract [Moroz, 1998, p. 187]. In Chinese documents, Kyakhta was commonly referred to as" Tsyaketu " (Chinese: , which was a transliteration of the Russian name into Chinese [Meng Xianzhang, 1992, p. 85]. The Manchu name of the Russian settlement is "Hadalda chik", where the first word meant Kyakhta proper, and the second - a trading place, a market [Pallas, 1788, p.155].

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Initially, it included several huts for merchants, a gostiny dvor, trade shops and barns for storing goods [Pallas, 1788, p. 150] 2. According to the Chinese, Kyakhta had a very convenient geographical location, which "during the second half of the Qing Dynasty turned it into the main channel of trade and the center of economic activity" [Shi Junwei, 2011, p. 82].

Everything was ready to start trading, and after the first Chinese merchants arrived at the border in the second half of 1728, it was announced that "trading is open on the Kyakhta" (Badiev, 1978, p. 4; Silin, 1947, p. 40). Gradually, Kyakhta became a center of border trade, where Russian merchants "willingly traveled three to four thousand versts to sell their goods with some profit" (Klimov, 1978, p. 14). The local population3 grew, trade, economic and residential infrastructure was improved, and at the end of 1743, the city began to develop. by decree of the Senate, this settlement was given the status of a trading settlement [Moroz, 1998, p. 187]. By the mid-19th century. Kyakhta grew and actually included three settlements: Troitskosavsk (the former Trinity Fortress), which by this time had become a customs city; Kyakhtinskaya merchant settlement and Ust-Kyakhtinskaya meshchanskaya settlement (Edinarkhova, 1982, pp. 15-16). Kyakhta was subordinate to the Governor-General of Eastern Siberia, and the post of border commissioner was established in the settlement of specific issues with the Chinese border authorities [Popov, 1924, p. 21]. In 1851, the Kyakhta city administration was formed there [Edinarkhova, 1982, p. 16]. Since the 1860s, this locality received the status of a district city, and in 1901 - a county town [Tugutov, 1954, p. 8].

Opposite the Kyakhta outpost on Chinese territory, four hundred meters away, the Chinese settlement of Maimaicheng 4 was built (Chinese:; dosl, from Chinese: "trading city"; the Mongolian name is Hiaagt naimaachin, where "Hiaagt" is Kyakhta, and the second is the Mongolian transcription of the Chinese word "Maimaicheng"). It was a "wooden city with rooms and buildings", the construction of which "did not require significant efforts [from the Chinese authorities]" (Meng Xianzhang, 1992, p.84). It is symbolic that a border post with inscriptions in Russian and Manchu was erected on the state border line between the Russian and Chinese trade settlements connected by a road [Pallas, 1788, p. 156; Li Zhixue, 1992, p. 116; Su Fenglin, 1989, p. 85], erected on the second day after the conclusion of the Kyakhta Treaty. a treatise (October 22, 1727) [Meng Xianzhang, 1992, p. 84]. The Russian coat of arms was placed over the central gate to Kyakhta from the Chinese side, and people who arrived in the Russian settlement entered it "under the wings of the Russian double-headed eagle, which looks majestically in all directions" (Michi, 1868, p.69) .5 Russian travelers and merchants who regularly visited Maimaicheng noted the elegance of the city and at the same time the simplicity of its layout.

In terms of its construction, it was similar to other Chinese cities, which, according to Raguzinsky, "are almost all four-cornered, triangular in shape or in shape."

2 For more information about the construction of the Kyakhta and the preparatory activities carried out by Vladislavich-Raguzinsky in this regard, see, for example: [Moroz, 1998, pp. 186-187].

3 In 1743, by decree of the Senate, it was "ordered to settle people in Kyakhta in order to spread the merchant class" and "settle them in a separate settlement" (Popov, 1924, p. 19). For this purpose, about 100 families were moved to the district for permanent residence. Moreover, people were sent there not only from Siberian cities, but also from the Moscow and Kazan provinces [Tugutov, 1954, p. 8].In 1768, the number of families permanently residing in Kyakhta increased to 120 [Klimov, 1978, p. 17].

4 In Russian historiography, Maimaicheng was initially mistakenly called "Naimatchik", while explaining that in Chinese " nai "means to sell," mai "means to buy, and" tchik "means place (see, for example: [Zhirov, 2005, p. 157]); also called "Maimachin" [Martos, 1827, p. 267; Mushkin, 1852, p. 225].

5 By the way, the Russian coat of arms towering on the border with the Chinese Empire aroused great interest and at the same time sincere surprise on the part of the Chinese, even those who were partially familiar with the Russian language: "The bird is wise," they concluded, " its two heads are many minds, only the head of the khyozain is unknown, the head of the pyrka is unknown.""(i.e., it is not known which of the heads is more important and older) [Staheev, 1869, p. 182].

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they stand in a two-length square... In those cities there are four-cornered towers with four-cornered windows over the city gates" [Count Vladislavich on China in the XVIII century, 1900, pp. 579-580]. Yi Maimaicheng, built "extremely regularly", had the shape of a quadrangle with three straight streets running from north to south. The city was surrounded by a low wall with turrets for protection, placed on which " glass bells and metal sticks make a pleasant sound in the wind "[Michi, 1868, p. 68]. To enter it, several gates were provided, one of which opened onto the Kyakhta. In the settlement there were two idols; the residential houses of merchants and employees were built with windows facing the courtyard, and all "have towers on which the owner's name is emblazoned in gold letters" [Michi, 1868, p.68]. The economic and commercial part of Maimaicheng - shops, barns and shops-was located separately from the residential areas. The completeness and correctness of the layout gave the city "a beautiful view, especially in comparison with the two Kyakhts, bolshoy (Troitsky Fortress. - P. L.) and maloy (Kyakhtinskaya trading settlement. - P. L.); but the trouble is if a fire: nothing will survive!"[Vigel, 1928, p. 249]. The construction of the Chinese settlement was completed approximately by the 1740s (for more information about the internal structure of the Chinese settlement and its construction, see, for example: [Zhirov, 2005, p. 157; Krivtsov, 1984, p. 135; Maksimov, 1871, p. 494-495; Martos, 1827, p. 267-268; Popov, 1924, p. 19; Silin, 1947, p. 102-104; Silin, 1996, p. 55-57]). Chinese merchants among themselves called Maimaicheng "the front trade settlement", and Kyakhtu - "the back trade settlement" (Lu Minghui, 1994, p. 138).

In 1729, in order to oversee the Chinese trading city, the post of an official administrator was established there (Chinese: ili, dosl. from the Chinese. "managing official of the Kyakhta"; from the Manch. tsarguchi, zarguchi, tsarguchi, sarguchi, more often-dzarguchi, Chinese transcription of the Manchu position name -, dosl. from the Manch. "administrator", "inspector") 6, to which, at the request of the Chamber for Vassal Territories (Chinese., Lifanyuan) in that year, "Langzhong, who is well-versed in Russian affairs, was appointed as an official who holds the position of head of a branch in the central state department". Chaoerdo (the name is given in Chinese transcription. - P. L.)" [Qing dai zhongye guanxi dan'an shiliao xuanbian, 1981, p. 524]. The official was appointed for a period of two years [He Qiutao, 2002, p. 37, p. 625], in 1747 the time of his stay in this post was increased to three years [Mushkin, 1852, p. 225; Su Fenglin, 1989, p. 85; He Qiutao, 2002, p. 37, p. 626]. Initially, in administrative terms, the position of dzarguchei was autonomous - he had the right to contact the metropolitan authorities directly on all issues. However, due to the development of the region and the intensification of contacts with Russia in 1758 (according to other sources, in 1762 [And Changchun, 2004, p. 55]), the Office of the chief Official was established in Urga (kit., dosl. "chief official for Urga affairs"), where two chief officials were appointed from Lifanyuan and from among the Mongolian officials of Khalkha (Northern Mongolia) for a period of three years, and for the administrative needs of the office from the same Chamber - two more representative secretaries (kit. two clerk-clerks (kit.. After the formation of the office of the chief official, the Maimaicheng dzarguchei became subordinate to the authorities in Urga (He Qiutao, 2002, p. 37, p. 628; Jiaqing chao dai qing huidian zhong de lifanyuan zilao, 2006, p.366).

Dzarguchey was engaged in ensuring the security of the settlement, supervised trade, collected taxes and performed judicial functions. The most important task of the official was to maintain contacts with the Russian authorities at the border and facilitate international exchange, so the Beijing authorities tried to appoint prominent and representative officials to this position. "Dzarguchei was a serious-looking man of about forty: he spoke briskly, smoothly and energetically, even as if with a certain tinge

6 For more information about the administrative features of the position of dzarguchei, see [Petrov, 2009, p. 5].

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strictness" [Pyasetsky, 1880, p. 20]. Russian contemporaries who had contacts with the Maimaicheng administrator emphasized his courtesy, politeness, sense of tact, correct manners and behavior. "When he (dzargucheyu. - P. L.) was addressed with a speech in Russian, - pointed out the Russian doctor-traveler P. Ya. Pyasetsky, who visited China in 1874-1875, - he always looked at the speaker, as if he listened attentively to him and pretended to understand his words" [Pyasetsky, 1880, p. 20]. The Kyakhta authorities, for their part, also tried to maintain friendly relations with the Chinese official, and at every opportunity he was "given political politeness by sending threads and food supplies", which he accepted "with special pleasure" (Ouspensky, 1904, p.60).

The mayor rode in a cart, was dressed in official clothes, and "a crystal button on his cap and a peacock feather hanging over its back are signs of his dignity" (Pallas, 1788, p.171). For his service, dzarguchey received a salary of 200 liang of silver per year from the central authorities [He Qiutao, 2002, c. 37, p. 627], but "the gifts that he should receive from the merchants far outweigh them" [Pallas, 1788, p.171] 7.

The constant attention of the authorities of the two countries to Kyakhta and Maimaicheng contributed to the rapid development of cross-border trade and increased business activity in this remote area. Private initiatives of Russian and Chinese merchants successfully competed with state-owned trade, which gradually began to wither away. The activity of cross-border commerce was also not affected by the fact that it was supposed to "be produced exclusively by exchanging goods without coin or credit" [Popov, 1924, p.20].8 The constraints that existed in this regard forced the merchants of the two states, in the interests of increasing profits, to go to an obvious deception, smuggling 9. She

7 The position of dzarguchei was a very lucrative place. Having concentrated all the power in the settlement in his hands, the official very willingly, sometimes without any reason, forced local merchants to give him bribes. In general, bribes in Maimaicheng were considered "a national and sacred matter", so "let dzarguchi live the first year as a beggar, in the second and next he will live as a sufficient person, with noticeable comfort "[Maksimov, 1871, p. 32]. Staying in such a "bread and well-fed place", the local supervisor, correctly assessing his position among other officials, willingly shares what he receives with higher authorities: of the 20 thousand rubles in silver received annually from merchants, "he devotes half of it to the Urginsky ambans (amban in Manchurian is an official, an employee) and officials" [Mushkin, 1852, with. 225]. High levies were always levied, even "despite the decline of trade and the well-being of the inhabitants", which "put a heavy burden not only on individuals of the free profession, but also on the merchant class" (Osokin, 1906, p.57). During the work of dzarguchei in Maimaicheng, a whole system of bribes developed. Chinese researcher Lai Huimin, after conducting a corresponding study, identified five large categories of products that were used by merchants for the purpose of such offerings: food, tea, wine products and tobacco, everyday items and cloth. All these categories included a lot of specific items that appeared as unjustified gifts, and the scientist counted 124 names of such items [Lai Huimin, 2012(2), p. 37]. The cult of bribes was so high that many merchants did not try to solve their problems in accordance with the existing rules, but rather sought to protect themselves and their business by bribing officials: "He collected a lot of money," local merchants said about one dzarguch, "but he did more for us" (Maksimov, 1871, p. 4). 32]. However, for the sake of justice, it must be said that in his desire to enrich himself at the expense of merchants, the local caretaker observed a reasonable measure, since he understood that merchants could file a complaint against him to the Urginsky amban, to which he was subordinate. However, there were cases when the Urginsky amban itself became the object of criticism of local residents, for which it was deprived of its position and subjected to punishments. Thus, the authorities stripped him of his post and sent him to Beijing, where they handed over to the Department of Punishments, the Urginian amban Mongol Seketunye (the name is given in the Chinese transcription. - P. L.), who was convicted of bribes [Qing shilu. Wenzong xian huangdi shilu, 1986, ts. 176, p. 966; Qing shilu. Wenzong xian huangdi shilu, 1987, ts. 315, p. 630-631; ts. 321, p. 740-741; ts. 327, p. 871].

8 The foremen of the Kyakhta merchants and customs were responsible for ensuring the full estimated equivalence of goods imported from China to Russia and exported from Russia to China (for more information about the exchange regime of Kyakhta trade and its organizational features, see, for example: [Tagarov, 2001, p. 10-16]).

9 Smuggling at some point became an integral part of all border trade. During the formation of the Kyakhta market, local authorities tried to keep its development within the legal framework, while achieving some success; for example, sent in the summer of 1731 on a secret mission to Kyakhta

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it was especially intensified at those moments when, due to disagreements between the two states, the Chinese side unilaterally closed trade (for example, only in the period from 1762 to 1792, the Qing authorities suspended commercial activities on the border three times for a total of 15 years [Meng Xianzhang, 1992, p. 89]), forcing Russian and domestic merchants to incur huge losses (for more information about the closure of the Kyakhta trade, see, for example: [Wang Xiaoping, 1987, p. 136-140; Li Yongqing and Su Fenglin, 1987, p. 80-88; He Qiutao, 2002, ch. 37, p. 628; Qingchao wenxian tongkao, 1963, zh. 300, p. 7485; Qing dai chekong'e guangxi dan'an shilao xuanbian, 1979, p. 361]).

The main items of Russian exports to China were furs, leather, cloth, iron, and silk, velvet, sugar, tobacco, porcelain, paint, furniture items, medicinal plants, and most importantly - tea [10].

On his return, a resident of Selenginsk, Parfen Semyonov, testified that "I have never seen or heard from anyone who does not trade in secret, to conceal duties to the treasury" (Sychevsky, 1875, pp. 226-227). In the future, the situation has changed significantly. The growth of trade volumes, increased competition, and the attraction of leading Russian trading houses to this market-all this inevitably led to violations in the conditions of the archaic exchange regime of commerce. The Russian border authorities, in turn, clearly understood that any attempts to carefully regulate the rules of trade and stop attempts to illegally conduct it would first of all negatively affect the area itself and their situation. And although smuggling was considered illegal, no one was in a hurry to actively fight it, and in some places even encouraged it. "A zealous attitude to one's duties," recalled the Kyakhta customs supervisor N. O. Ogloblin, "as a rule, was not rewarded and even caused serious troubles in the service" until he was dismissed from it [Khokhlov, 1987, p. 209]. Illegal trade in Chinese territory flourished even more rapidly. In the middle of the XIX century. For example, the smuggling of rhubarb from China to Russia, where it was in high demand, began to acquire such proportions that in order to prevent the illegal entry of this product to the border, restrictions were imposed on its free movement within China itself and a ban (without special permission) on importation to the Chinese provinces bordering Russia [Qing Shilu. Gaozong chun huangdi shilu, 1986(1), ts. 740, pp. 151-152; Qing shilu. Gaozong chun huangdi shilu, 1986(2), ts. 1323, p. 910; Qing shilu. Gaozong chun huangdi shilu, 1986(3), ts. 1361, pp. 256-257; Qing shilu. Xuanzong cheng huangdi shilu, 1986, zh. 290, p. 483; Qing shilu zhongye guanxi zilao huibian, Vol. I. 1974, pp. 78-82; Zhao Yi, 1997, pp. 20-21; Yuan Senpo, 1990, pp. 59-60]. Rhubarb supplies, due to its importance and high demand in Russia, along with tea, have become a separate area of Kyakhta trade, including a system of producers, suppliers, and resellers, including illegal ones [Lai Huimin, 2012(1), p. 41; He Qiutao, 2002, p.37, p. 632]. To determine the true extent of illegal commercial activity at the border, the Beijing authorities sent employees of the General Tax Office to Maimaicheng (sometimes disguised as merchants or travelers). There were also ideas from officials of several metropolitan departments to create a commission to stop violations and smuggling in Maimaicheng, but these initiatives did not go further than talking [Chouban yiwu shimo. Tongzhi chao, 2008, tsz. 57, pp. 2307-2310].

10 Tea occupied an indisputable leading position in Chinese exports to Russia: if in 1762-1785 the share of tea in the total volume of Chinese exports to our state was only 15% [Guo Wenshan, 1989, p. 89], then in 1801-1830 this indicator increased to 87.7, and by the second half of the XIX century. reached 95%. In the tea trade on the Kyakhta market, merchants from the Chinese province of Shanxi were monopolists (for their activities, see, for example: [Lai Huimin, 2012 (2), pp. 33-47; Ma Yanping, Feng Jianming, 2011, pp. 77-79]). Merchants from Shanxi, where tea was not cultivated, nevertheless created a large-scale monopolistic trade network that connected the entire process from purchasing tea in the southern Chinese provinces (mainly in Fujian province) to its delivery directly to Maimaicheng. The rise of the province's merchants began during the Yuan Dynasty (1271-1368), when the province's favorable geographical location allowed local merchants to gain control over a large part of the trade flow of rich Southern China with the countries of Asia and Europe. In the XVI century. During the Ming period (1368-1644), Shanxi merchants began to make the first attempts to organize tea trade with Russian cities in Siberia [Long Yicai, Qu Shaomiao, 1983, p.12]. The developed road network and transport infrastructure created and owned by the trading houses of this province was later used by the Manchus during their conquest of China and the creation of the Qing Empire. Due to their loyalty to the ruling house, local merchants established a strong connection with the Manchu political elite and enlisted its support (by the way, it was because of this that many Shanxi firms became part of the guild of palace management suppliers, and local merchants received titles and ranks). As a result, "the increased attention and widespread use of Shanxi merchants by the Qing court, combining and concentrating their economic potential, significantly expanded the sphere of commercial activity of Shanxi merchants in China and beyond" [Long Yicai, Qu Shaomiao, 1983, p.13]. Tea firms at the border had a strong potential. For example, the Dashenli trading house (Chinese: "Great Blooming Seduction") had about 6-7 thousand employees, for the needs of transportation

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Xuanmin, 1939, pp. 207-208; Pan Yicai, Qu Shaomiao, 1983, p. 14; He Qiutao, 2002, zz. 37, p. 626; Zhongguo jindai maoi shi zilao, Vol. I, 1962, p. 114]. Prominent trading houses of St. Petersburg, Moscow, Tula, Kazan, Tyumen, and Irkutsk - all from more than 20 Russian cities-were involved in the Kyakhta trade [Edinarkhova, 1982, p.18]. Its commercial potential was known in London, Paris, and Stockholm; the yacht had trade relations with the United States [Klimov, 1978, p.20]. In a word, this market was very promising and promised considerable profits, so, according to foreigners, Russian merchants "are famous for their wealth, and millionaires are not uncommon there" [Michi, 1868, p. 71].

The abolition of the exchange regime of trade in 1845 and the possibility of using gold and silver in commercial operations gave a serious impetus to the development of business activity in the Russian settlement. In the early 1840s, the annual turnover of each trading firm ranged from 50 thousand to 350 thousand rubles in silver, which in the total volume of Russian foreign trade ranged from 3% (in 1841-1845) to 12.2 % (in 1855) [Edinarkhova, 1982, pp. 18-19]. This, in fact, regional trade at a certain point not only became an integral part of the Russian economy, but also turned into its important driving force. "In short, no branch of trade in Russia has such different relations to national industry and does not pour out so many benefits for the common class as our direct (Kyakhta. - P. L.) trade with China " [Ogorodnikov, 1856, p. 14].

However, the brilliant age of this frontier commerce was very short. In connection with the transfer of the customs post from Kyakhta to Irkutsk in 1861, the importance of the former as a link with China began to decrease [Petrov, 2009, p.7]. At the same time, in accordance with the agreements signed with the Qing Empire in the 1850s and 1860s, Russian merchants received additional privileges when conducting trade with China, which affected the monopoly position of the Kyakhta market [Shi Junwei, 2011, p.84]. Kyakhta was finally moved to the periphery of international trade by the introduction of the CER in 1903, which radically changed the supply chain and turned the province of Heilongjiang into a new center of commercial interaction between China and Russia and European countries. Under the new conditions, caravan trade, despite the branching routes and existing road infrastructure, could not compete with railway transport [Lu Yan, 2002, p. 55; Shi Junwei, 2011, p.84]. Changes were also taking place on the Chinese side: local traders, correctly assessing the situation, quickly reoriented themselves to other markets in Siberia. 11 As a result, Maimaicheng began to empty out: the number of trading houses there first decreased to thirty - 12, and by 1867-to eight [Petrov, 2009, p.7], and only four of them were tea houses [Zhongguo Jindai maoi shi zilao, Vol. II, 1962, p. 114].

20k items were used. camels, several hundred stores were opened all over China. This firm controlled all trade (and not only tea) in the Mongolian principalities (including Maimaicheng) and acted as a lender to the local Mongolian nobility: for example, out of 140 Khoshuns in Northern Mongolia, only about 10 were not financially connected with this firm.Ma Yanpin, Feng Jianming, 2011, p. 79.

11 The ability to trade in the interior of Russia significantly strengthened the position of Chinese merchants in the Russian market: at the beginning of the 20th century, for example, the total volume of Chinese exports to Russia, delivered through the Shanhaiguan customs, was 28.275 million liang of silver [Cankao ziliao. Menggu jingji qingxing, 1909, p. 316-32a]. In this regard, the number of Chinese immigrants living in the Russian Far East also increased: according to data for the 1915-1920s, there were about 55 thousand Chinese in the entire Far Eastern region [Oglezneva, 2007(1), p. 67], while in Transbaikalia their number was 4859, and in the Amur region - 4439 people [Georgievsky, 1926, p. 64]. According to the 1926 census, 100.7 thousand Chinese were registered in the Far East [Belikov, 1997, p. 96].

12 In 1775, for example, the number of firms permanently operating there was 173, and only in the first four months of 1792 71 Chinese merchants left through the Kalgan post for Maimaicheng [Lai Huimin, 2012(1), pp. 55-61]. According to the Shanhaiguan Tax Administration, in 1844-1852, only tea firms from Shanxi in Maimacheng numbered 41 units. [Lai Huimin, 2012(2), p. 40].

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Despite the decline, Kyakhta trade has become an important component of bilateral relations. Over the years of its existence, long-term mutually beneficial trade relations with the Chinese Empire were built in general. Contacts between merchants of the two countries contributed to the increase of trade on the regional and international markets, their close interaction on the border led to the emergence of a unique linguistic phenomenon there - the so-called Kyakhta-Chinese dialect of the Russian language.

The Chinese authorities have tried to maximize the benefits of trade with Russia by establishing control over the small portion of their merchants who were lucky enough to conduct commercial business on the border.

At a certain stage in the development of bilateral trade relations, the Chamber for Vassal Territories Affairs issued secret instructions to the Urginian amban, in particular, who was responsible for the development of these contacts. It was a well-thought-out, economically sound and tactically verified strategic document, focused on the long-term perspective. For its tendentiousness in relation to Russian merchants and all border trade among Russians, the instruction was rightly called the "Chinese picaresque charter" [Chinese Picaresque Charter, 1854, pp. 79-83] .13
13 The Russians only learned about the existence of this instruction in the second half of the 19th century, when its relevance apparently disappeared. Despite this, the interest in it on the part of domestic researchers and merchants was so great that this document was repeatedly published in leading Russian publications (see, for example: [Chinese Picaresque Charter, 1854, p. 79-83; Korsak, 1857, p. 331-335; Mushkin, 1852, p. 225-226]). Unfortunately, the replicated translation of the manual is not provided with notes indicating the source from which the document was borrowed, and its name in the original language is missing (at least in transcription). These circumstances significantly complicate the search for the original source and make it impossible to confirm the accuracy of the translation. It is impossible to determine the exact date of the instruction's appearance: with some degree of certainty, we can only identify the period within which it could have been prepared-not earlier than 1758-the time of the formation of the headquarters of the chief official in Urga, to whom the document was addressed, and most likely not later than the 1780s, when some of its provisions (for example, Chinese merchants learn Russian; for more information, see see below) [Pallas, 1788, p. 182]. It is possible that the original source has already been lost, which is indirectly evidenced by the fact that Chinese researchers refer to its translation published in Russia in the middle of the XIX century when mentioning this instruction to border authorities (see, for example: [Lai Huimin, 2012(1), p. 45; Mi Zhenbo, 2003, p. 88 - 90]). Some uncertainty about the history of this document, however, does not allow us to doubt its authenticity. The evidence of Russians about trading at the border suggests a clear consistency in the actions of their Chinese partners, which could not have been achieved without some unified rules for conducting commercial activities. The secret decree created a certain trade, economic, legal, technical, logistics and fiscal supervision system on the border with Russia, on the basis of which all the trade of Chinese merchants with Russians was built. The instruction, in particular, required Chinese merchants to "carefully inquire" about the needs of Russians in certain types of Chinese products in order to subsequently use the information obtained to their advantage. At daily meetings, Chinese vendors analyzed what they heard and worked out strict short-term rules: when, how much and what goods to import to Maimaicheng, which products should be deliberately reduced in order to artificially cause demand from Russians, which goods imported from Russia should be shown increased interest in order to cause an oversupply at the border, and therefore their cheapening [Chinese Picaresque charter, 1854, p. 80-81]. At first, the Chinese were very successful in misleading their foreign partners, but soon the Russians learned to distinguish the trick in the actions of the maimaichengsv. In the Chinese settlement, "merchants have among themselves chosen chiefs from among the best merchants," the Governor-General of Irkutsk and Kolyvansky, B. B., wrote in 1802 (!) to St. Petersburg. Lezzano-who make up the daily council, where, with the approval of dzarguchei, not only the prices of goods are set, but also measures are taken for various tricks, such as: in demanding goods that the Chinese need and in sometimes expressing the need for those that they do not need at all, so that such unanimous rumors can lead Russian merchants into confusion and to turn the balance of trade in their favor, which they often managed to do" [Uspensky, 1904, p. 60]. It is worth paying attention to the fact that the Russian governor described the Chinese secret methods of conducting commerce, just laid down in the instructions, the existence of which in Russia in a broad sense was learned only after half a century. This is an important argument in favor of the fact that a secret document regulating trade at the border still existed and was of great importance.

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The most long-term initiative laid down in this document was the provision regulating the language of international trade. The instruction required (in very strict forms) Chinese merchants who traded in Maimaicheng to speak Russian, both orally and in writing (Aleksandrov, 1884, p.160; Cherepanov, 1853, p. 370). "Such a measure," the manual pointed out, "is necessary to avoid the need for Russians to learn the Chinese language, using which they can penetrate the secrets of our trade and the politics of our (Chinese - P. L.) state" [Maksimov, 1871, p. 491]. Moreover, Chinese merchants after arriving in Maimaicheng, "even if he could speak their (Russian - P. L.) language," were forbidden to trade with the Russians for the first year, and this was done "so that he would not make any disruption to the general communication" [Chinese Picaresque Charter, 1854, p. 83]. Not only merchants, but also all employees who accompanied them to the settlement were required to speak Russian [Pyasetsky, 1880, p. 22]. It should also have been used by employees of Dzarguchei, who served as an interpreter [Pyasetsky, 1880, p. 20]. Dzarguchey himself was released from the obligation to speak Russian.

The pragmatic and protective requirement for Chinese merchants to learn Russian and use it when conducting commercial business with Russians had a positive impact on the development of contacts between the subjects of the two empires. It was this provision of the secret document that later led to the emergence of the Kyakhta-Chinese Pidgin on the border.

Given the secrecy of the assignment, the Qing authorities had to provide Russian language teaching to Chinese merchants independently, without involving Russians in this case. And they were generally able to cope with this task: by the middle and second half of the XVIII century, elementary educational institutions were functioning in the Qing Empire, more precisely in areas oriented towards contacts with Russia, where the Russian language was taught.14
Directly for teaching the Russian language to Chinese merchants who went to the border, in Kalgan (modern Zhangjiakou, prov. A special Russian language school was opened in Hebei (Belikov, 1997, p. 96; Zhirov, 2005, p.159). Unfortunately, no detailed information about the work of this educational institution has been preserved. It is known that it was taught using "dictionaries of Russian words" - "E-lo-si fan yu" (Chinese), " according to the Chinese method of book printing, carved on strong wood "[Flug, 1935, p. 92; Cherepanov, 1853, p. 371]15. For ease of use, dictionaries were formed by topic (Shprintsin, 1968, p. 89).

14 The main educational institution, of course, was the Beijing School of the Russian Language at the Palace Chancellery (kit. ), established in 1708 by decree of the Kangxi Emperor on the initiative of the chief specialist in "Russian affairs" in the Qing administration, the Manchu court adviser Maqi \ Mingqingshilno, 1960, p. 1587; The First historical Archive of the PRC, f. School russkogo yazyka..., tsz. 3624 (1833), doc. 1; Zhang Yuquan, 1944, pp. 49-51). It is known that school graduates "with special advantages entered the service either in the Chamber of Foreign Affairs (Lifanyuan. - P. L.), or in border areas where knowledge of the Russian language is required "[Timkovsky, 1824, p. 70; Biggerstaff, 1961, p. 97; Meng Ssu-ming, 1960-1961, p. 431. In 1792, the school authorities, in response to the request of the Ili military Governor (Chinese ) Bao Ning to organize Russian language teaching in Xinjiang, sent their graduates Mukedeng'e and Baketanbu (names are given in Chinese transcription - P. L.), whose efforts in the same year opened a Russian language school in Ili (Chinese ) Ma Wenhua, 1998, p. 14]. The school lasted quite a long time and was disbanded not earlier than 1844 and not later than 1859. [First Historical Archive of the People's Republic of China, F. School of the Russian language..., zz. 3609 (1731-1850), doc. 27.

15 It is possible that the first such lexicons were compiled with the help of Russian Cossacks who found themselves in China, where "in collusion with the Chinese, they said words that they themselves remembered and did not have time to forget in a foreign land" [Maksimov, 1871, p.489]. Taking into account the predominance of words with a Mongolian ending in the Kyakhta Pidgin, it can be assumed that Mongols who spoke Russian and "collected names of objects and explanations of words from Russians who knew the Mongolian language" took part in their compilation [Cherepanov, 1853, p. 371].

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The process of preparing such lexicons was very original: words and expressions written in Chinese were translated into Russian, and later the resulting translation was transcribed by sound in Chinese characters and entered into the dictionary. At the same time, some Russian sounds that were absent in the Chinese language were either replaced with similar ones that were more familiar to the Chinese, or simply omitted. This is how whole words were formed, and if it was impossible to accurately write them down in Chinese characters, then the compilers "can only approach it, depicting it with ready-made sounds "[Pyasetsky, 1880, p. 368]16.

Such a transcription reflected not the spelling description of the Russian word, but its sound in Chinese pronunciation - for example: "le-ka-li-si-te-wo" (medicine), "ma-da-mu" (madame), " ba-jiao-mu "(let's go) [Shprintsin, 1968, pp. 89-90]. Here you can see that each word is composed using Chinese syllables, which made it more convenient for Chinese pronunciation.

It is obvious that this spelling resulted in many distortions, "from which the first mispronunciation was based" [Osokin, 1906, p. 58], which over time turned the normative Russian language into "an illegitimate cross between your sophisticated language (Chinese-P. L.) and no less intricate and difficult words from your dialect neighbors (Mongol - P. L.)" [Maksimov, 1871, p. 489].

At school, merchants studied written and oral Russian, and the training was carried out until "until one hollows out all the words in a row and in a breakdown from a long lexicon, until one learns to draw them in Chinese scribbles" [Maksimov, 1871, p. 491]. The students confirmed their knowledge during a complex exam, after which they were given a special permit to go to the border area to conduct trade through Lifanyuan. As teachers in the educational institution, "teachers from the poor who lived with mercy in Kyakhta" worked [Zhirov, 2005, p. 159].

When teaching Russian, the emphasis was placed on instilling language skills, primarily necessary for conducting commercial activities. It is possible that along with the main subject, merchants were also explained the norms adopted in Russia. If when communicating with their compatriots, the Chinese tried to emphasize the advanced age of the interlocutor, then when communicating with Russians at the border, they behaved exactly the opposite. At every opportunity, asking the question: "Are you a godofu skolika? "(how old are you?), regardless of the answer, they exclaimed: "Young isho... not a single star" (Young yet... not old) [Krivtsov, 1984, p. 134; Pyasetsky, 1880, p. 14]. The desire to underestimate the true age of the person being interviewed was more an element of European etiquette than Eastern etiquette, where age was considered an attribute of wisdom.17
It is obvious that with such training, Chinese merchants had a rather weak command of the Russian language.18 Russian travelers, merchants and ordinary citizens, while

16 A copy of such a Russian-Chinese dictionary, described in the 1930s by the Soviet researcher-bibliographer K. K. Flug [Perekhvalskaya, 2008, p. 103; Flug, 1935, p. 87, 92], is now kept at the Institute of Oriental Manuscripts of the Russian Academy of Sciences in St. Petersburg (at that time - the Department of Manuscripts of the Leningrad Branch Institute of Oriental Studies of the USSR Academy of Sciences). This is a unique and rare source for the study of not only the Kyakhta-Chinese Pidgin as such, but also the history of bilateral trade and economic relations, Chinese Russian studies and translation in the Qing Empire. This dictionary is also interesting from the point of view of studying the technologies of publishing methodological manuals intended for teaching and learning foreign languages in this state. Given the high scientific value of the dictionary, the Russian Academy of Sciences plans to publish it in the near future, including in the form of facsimiles.

17 However the Chinese interlocutors did not indulge their Russian friends in everything: "But drink like yours, neelizya," a Chinese merchant taught the Russian sinologist N. Ya. Bichurin how to drink tea. Adding, "with bulke, sahaer nilizya" (But you can not drink like you. With bread and sugar is not allowed) [Krivtsov, 1984, p. 139].

18 As time went on, the secret manual on which all the work of Chinese merchants on the border was based began to lose its significance. Trade contacts between the two countries were so active that any protective and protective actions of the Chinese authorities could no longer resist them, as a result of which "the Chinese... they realized the absurdity of their instructions and gradually began to deviate from their implementation" [Noskov, 1861, p. 3].

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Those who visited the Kyakhty area for a long time pointed out difficulties in communicating with local Chinese (for more information, see: [Krivtsov, 1984, pp. 133-134; Maksimov, 1871, pp. 492-497; Popov, 1924, pp. 26-28; Staheev, 1869, pp. 187-234; Cherepanov, 1853, pp. 374-376]). "As soon as the conversation went beyond greetings and the most ordinary phrases, one Russian traveler pointed out - so it was impossible to continue it-an intermediary, an interpreter, was needed to continue the conversation "[Pyasetsky, 1880, p. 14].19 The low level of Russian language proficiency sometimes negatively affected the conduct of commercial affairs: "Although almost all Kyakhta residents speak this strange dialect with Chinese, they generally explain themselves with difficulty, which often causes confusion and disputes when making trade transactions" [Letter from Kyakhta, 1831, p. 143].

It is fair to say that the situation with knowledge of Chinese among Russians was not much better. Our compatriots, having the opportunity to master the basics of the Chinese language 20, preferred not to study them, trying more to get used to the wrong Russian-Chinese dialect. "Your conversation, when you listen and apply yourself to your burr - like speech, becomes a little clear, and I am glad of that" [Maksimov, 1871, p. 489]. The situation in which the need to learn difficult Chinese was practically absent led to the fact that "among the Russian population of Troitskosavsk and Kyakhta, there are hardly a dozen people who can speak Chinese, and absolutely no one is familiar with their writing" [Osokin, 1906, p. 57]. Some researchers, however, mistakenly explain the prevailing preponderance in knowledge of the language of the opposite side not by strict requirements of the Chinese instructions to use Russian in contacts with Russians, but by the desire of Russians to protect and defend their national identity when communicating with Qing subjects and "persistently... explain yourself only in your native language "[Osokin, 1906, p. 57].

Conservative approaches to teaching Russian at the Kalgan school and the absence of any need to change anything (the Russians were used to such a dialect and supported it), on the one hand, and the interest of Chinese merchants in real-profit commerce rather than in learning Russian, on the other, led to the emergence and gradual spread of the Russian language in Russia. The Chinese medium of the intermediary language is Kyakhta-Chinese pidgin 21, which, for the reasons mentioned above, was used by everyone - both Chinese and Russians.

19 It took a long time to ask N. Ya. Bichurin his Chinese interlocutor, who spoke the Russian-Chinese dialect, in whose honor the temple in Maimaichens was erected. Stubbornly not realizing that the temple was built in the name of "Guan Yu", that " this is your name. Padelitza boga", a Russian cleric has incurred the wrath of his acquaintance: "You syu sylofu ni zynai, myngu sylofu ni zynai, our sylofu ni know. How is sy tapoy gavali mozhina? Sy tapoy gavali nilizya! " (You don't know your own words, you don't know Mongolian words, you don't know our words. How can I talk to you? I can't talk to you). After lengthy arguments, the Russian cleric finally understood that "pa-de-li-za "means" to fight", and that the temple, therefore, was built in the name of the God of war Guan Yu Krivtsov, 1984, p. 136-137].

20 In Russia, as bilateral relations with China developed, specialized educational institutions began to open in which the Chinese language was taught. As early as 1789, the Main Public School began its work in Irkutsk, where Chinese, Mongolian and Japanese were taught from 1790 to 1794 [Return to the Motherland, 1858, p.6]. In Kyakhta itself, on the initiative of local residents, a highly approved Chinese Language School was opened in 1835, which was under the jurisdiction of the Ministry of Finance Petrov, 2009, p. 5; Letter from Kyakhta, 1831, p. 144]. The founder of the school was N. Ya. Bichurin, who taught there for some time, for which he prepared and published a grammar of the Chinese language [Klimov, 1978, p. 28]. In the first year, 24 students from among the children of merchants and peasants were enrolled in the school [On the opening of the Chinese language School in Kyakhta, 1835, p. 568].

21 In Russian historiography, the studied Pidgin is traditionally called Kyakhta, which is not entirely accurate. After all, it was formed on Chinese territory and was initially spoken only by subjects of the Qing Empire, so it is probably more correct to call it Kyakhta-Chinese or Kyakhta-Maimaicheng, which some Russian researchers have suggested to adhere to (see, for example: [Aleksandrov, 1884, pp. 160-161; Belikov, 1997, p. 95; Kozinsky, 1973, p. 36; Shuhart, 1884, p. 318]).

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The stability of the dialect for a long time was ensured by a certain situation that developed on this part of the border: the system of trade, its content, methods and principles of conducting remained unchanged for a long time, so the tools that guaranteed the operation of this mechanism, part of which was the developed even artificial language of communication, also did not change. Therefore, " as it was fifty years ago, so it remains to this hour. Another hundred years will pass... and the general picture of the city's life (Maimaicheng - P. L.) will remain unchanged" [Osokin, 1906, p. 57].

It is very difficult to classify the studied linguistic phenomenon. There are different points of view: according to some researchers, it is a product of linguistic mixing (Chinese and Mongolian languages based on Russian)22, while others believe it is nothing more than professional (in this case, commercial) jargon [Shprintsin, 1968, p. 88]. At the same time, its features are also obvious, which make it possible to classify it as pidgin, which arose "in the conditions of so-called extreme language contacts, when two or several groups of people who need to agree on something specific do not have a common language" [Perekhvalskaya, 2008, p.17].

Gradually becoming stronger, Kyakhta-Chinese pidgin began to expand beyond the border trade zone: it was spoken along a significant part of the eastern section of the Russian-Chinese border, in Transbaikalia, near Aigun-Blagoveshchensk and in the vicinity of Vladivostok (Oglezneva, 2007(1), p. 17; Encyclopedia, 1896, p. 381). After the construction of the CER, this artificial language spread along the railway line up to Harbin [Oglezneva, 2007(1), p. 17; Shprintsin, 1968, p. 88, 98]; it was used by the indigenous peoples of the Amur and Primorye regions - Nanai, Udege, Taz, Orochi, and Korean immigrants-when contacting Russians [Belikov, 1997, p. 98; Eloeva and Perekhvalskaya, 1986, p. 54; Russian-Chinese pidgin]. The stability of the pidgin is also indicated by the curious fact that in the 1930s it was used to compose regional folklore: songs, riddles, proverbs, sayings, and children's fairy tales [Report on the activities of the Academy of Sciences of the USSR in 1930, 1931, p. 130]23, and its individual elements are firmly embedded in the vernacular of Russian residents of the Far East [Belikov, 1997, p. 100; Vrubel, 1931, p. 131] 24.

The expansion of the geographical use of Pidgin has led to the emergence of lexical and grammatical diversity in it. If it remained unchanged in its range, i.e. in the area of Kyakhta and Maimaicheng, "the shades of the Vladivostok dialect represent some features" [Shuhart, 1884, p. 319]25. With the strengthening of the Russian presence in the CER exclusion zone, the Harbin version of the Russian-Kyakhta pidgin began to take shape, which had its own characteristics [Ogleznev. 2007(1), p. 17]. In Russian historiography, the variety of forms and shades of this jargon is collectively called "Russian-Chinese pidgin". However, regardless of the place and time of their formation, these were precisely the "shades" of the very traditional-

22 For more information on language mixing, see, for example: Baudouin-de-Courtenay, 1901, pp. 14, 17; Thomson, 1910, pp. 362-363.

23 An element of Russian children's folklore of the 1930s in the Far East, in particular, was the "teaser": "Hoda, hoda laila. I lost my pants. My nashola. Don't give it to you. "(Chinese, Chinese, come here. [You] lost your pants. I found it. I didn't give it to you) [Belikov, 1997, p.100].

24 In the second half of the 1980s and early 1990s, already at a new stage of Russian-Chinese relations and in qualitatively new historical conditions, a modern commercial Russian - Chinese pidgin began to form on the border, especially in the Blagoveshchensk-Heihe region, which is still actively used today [Belikov, 1997, p. 97; Oglezneva, 2007(2), p. 41].

25 So, in the basic "adverb", the personal pronoun was replaced by the possessive: "for May" (I have), If the word" zatvaya "(at you)," May "(I), with the only exception - " you "(you), then in its Vladivostok shade this exception was not observed and the pronoun "you", like others, was indicated as "your" (Shuhart, 1884, p. 320).

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the main Kyakhta-Chinese dialect of the Russian language, the essence and basic basic categories of which remained unchanged for a significant period of time.

In the first quarter of the 20th century, the activity of using the pidgin language began to noticeably decrease. The new format of bilateral relations, including trade relations, imposed higher requirements on the level of Chinese proficiency in the Russian language. Chinese merchants appeared on the border and in the interior of Russia, who had a good command of the normative Russian language, and the most far-sighted of them, in order to develop commercial affairs, sent their children to study in educational institutions of the Russian Far East, in particular in the Troitskosavsky real School [Popov, 1924, p. 28]. The emergence of an extensive system of teaching Russian in the Qing Empire, which included both new-style higher education institutions and specialized schools and secondary schools, also contributed to the displacement of this specific jargon.

The studied pidgin is very attractive from a scientific point of view. Despite the fact that it not only consists "of incorrect Russian words, but also the very formulation of phrases is completely original and peculiar" [Osokin, 1906, p. 58], its analysis arouses great interest on the part of Russian 26 and partly Chinese researchers 27.

The methodological basis of pidgin's research, carefully developed by Russian scientists, allows us to analyze a fragment of an authentic text made on it:

A conversation between a Chinese doctor and a Russian patient who spoke in an adverb

"Ваша мала-мала почыка пылоха. Your mala-mala silusai pyloha. Your child's face. We're a lot of faces. Our magu give you likarysytyvo. Eat this mustache... "Like now?" "Not at all. Iga sonytsa - five sytuka, langa sonytsa-ten sytuka. Tongtong? - Lubyl's son-in-law. "Is Shima that expensive?" - "Buy your own debt" 28.

Pronunciation of Russian words in Pidgin, as indicated, was carried out according to the rules for constructing the Chinese syllable. If there are two or three consecutive consonants

26 The first attempts to characterize the Kyakhta-Chinese Pidgin were made in the second half of the 18th century by Peter Simon Pallas, a German scientist and traveler in the Russian service. Once, when he was in Maimaicheng, he noticed that the Chinese who knew the "dialect" could not pronounce the Chinese at all, but instead spoke... syllables consisting of many voiceless letters, which are enough in the Russian language, they separate them and arrange them with pronounced vowels" [Pallas, 1788, p. 182]. In the second quarter of the 19th century, residents of Kyakhta themselves also spoke about the habit of inserting additional letters into Russian words pronounced in Russian-Chinese Pidgin [Letter from Kyakhta, 1831, p. 143]. In the future, interest in this linguistic phenomenon only increased (see, for example: [Aleksandrov, 1884, p. 160-163; Osokin, 1906, p. 59; Cherepanov, 1853, p.370-376; Shuhart, 1884, p. 318-320]). Systematic studies of the pidgin and its forms began only in the 1920s. In 1929-1931. The ethnological section of the Pacific Committee of the USSR Academy of Sciences conducted comprehensive field surveys in the Far East, including the border area, in order to collect linguistic materials of this "dialect" for subsequent processing of the obtained materials in the form of scientific papers [Report on the activities of the USSR Academy of Sciences in 1929, 1930, p. 253; Report on the activities of the USSR Academy of Sciences in 1930, 1931, p. 130; Production plan of the USSR Academy of Sciences for 1931, 1931, p. 91]. For a number of reasons, the research was not completed, but scientists have a wealth of practical material at their disposal. During the war years, some of this material was lost, only phonographic rollers and a dictionary file consisting of 2.5 thousand cards and over 300 pages of text records and materials (!) were preserved [Shprintsin, 1968, p. 87, 89]. The available results of field studies later served as a good basis for analyzing this pidgin and its features [Kozinsky, 1973, p. 36-38; Musorin, 2004, p. 79-86; Oglezneva, 2007(1), p. 234-262; Oglezneva, 2007 (2), p. 49-52; Shprintsin,2007). 1968, pp. 86-100]

27 For a brief discussion of this, see, for example: [Wang Xiping, 1986, p. 66; Wang Xilong, 1995, p. 142; Lu Yan, 2002, p.55; Meng Xianzhang,1992, p. 104; Su Fenglin, 1989, p. 87].

28 This conversation was recorded in Vladivostok no later than 1928 [Georgievsky, 1928, p. 75]. Its translation into modern Russian is as follows: "Your kidneys are a little sore. You're a little hard of hearing. You need treatment. Get a lot of treatment. We can give you medicine. Drink it all. "Right now?" - no. [Take] five tablets a day, ten tablets in two days. Understand?" Five rubles. Why is it so expensive? "We buy it ourselves at a high price."

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letters between them for the convenience of pronunciation were placed one vowel: "pochyka" - kidney, "pyloha" - bad, "mynoga" - a lot, "likarysytyvo" - medicine.

Additional letters, most often inserted between two consonants, were "s", "i", "a". They were pronounced fluently and unstressed. In some cases, one consonant letter disappeared when they were combined in the word: "sonytsa" - the sun.

Another feature of word formation in this jargon was the frequent inversion of the consonant letters " w " and "s": "silusai" - listen, "sytuka" - a piece; letters " r " and "l": "lubylya" - rubles," dolaga " - expensive.

As mentioned above, personal pronouns in the "adverb" were replaced by possessive ones: "your" - you, "our" - we. All numerals were pronounced the same without changes provided for by the grammar of the normative Russian language of that time: "pyatya" - five, "desyatya" - ten.

Historically, the Kyakhta-Chinese Pidgin language was formed in the context of the Chinese-speaking environment that influenced it. As a result, partial borrowing of the grammatical foundations of the Chinese language was observed, as well as the inclusion of individual words and expressions in this language in the jargon 29. The text states: iga sonytsa, where " i "(kit.-) means" one", and" ga "(more precisely - "ge"; kit. ↑) is a counting word to a numeral. "Sonitsa" is a direct translation of the Chinese word "zhi" (Chinese), which means "day" in addition to "sun" and is better suited to this situation. It is worth noting that the whole phrase is built according to the rules of Chinese grammar: "Iga sonytsa-pyatya sytuka", which in Chinese would look like "I zhi u five" (kit., dosl. from the Chinese: "five pieces a day"). The phrase "langa sonytsa" is also constructed on the same principle, where "lan" (more precisely, "liang", Chinese ) means "two".

In general, the above text fragment is quite typical of the pidgin under study and does not differ in originality both from the point of view of vocabulary and grammar. This is a good example of the basic features of the "Kyakhta-Chinese conversation".

* * *

The Kyakhta Treaty, approved by Russia and China in 1728, opened up new prospects for the development of contacts between the two states. Its terms, in particular, formulated the main approaches to conducting cross-border trade, for the regulation of which a secret instruction was drawn up in the Chinese capital. With its appearance, it is worth associating the origin of the so-called Kyakhta-Chinese pidgin, or simply trade jargon, which later became widespread in the border region and became a reliable communication tool for the subjects of the two empires.

The Kalgan Russian Language School was included in the Chinese traditional education system. The educational institution was targeted in nature: it taught a specialized Russian language, suitable (and then not always) exclusively for conducting trade events in the volume of cross-border trade, which was of the same type and simple. Other subjects of a country-specific nature were not taught in the school on a systematic basis.

The methodological base of the educational institution was extremely archaic. Educational dictionaries for Russian translation were no different from traditional lexicons

29 The researchers ' opinions on the amount of direct loanwords and expressions in Chinese that were present in the dialect were divided. Different points of view were put forward: according to some data, the vocabulary of the dialect consisted of about 25% borrowed Chinese words, according to other data, no more than 60 words were included in the dialect from the Chinese language, and even less frequently used ones [Shprintsin, 1968, pp. 98-99].

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series " Hua-i and yu "(kit., dosl. with kit. "Sino-Barbarian translations"), which were successfully published in China since the beginning of the XV century. 30 Such manuals only allowed students to learn (and even then not always qualitatively) a number of words and expressions in a foreign language, but did not allow them to master the tools (alphabet, reading rules, grammar basics) necessary for high-quality learning of this language.

From the point of view of building the educational process, the actions of school administrators, therefore, can hardly be considered successful, but this approach ensured the stability of the knowledge transferred to students. "Chinese conversation" remained unchanged for a long period of time, as a result of which it transformed into a stable system of speech - the Kyakhta-Chinese trade pidgin. This "system is quite strong and historically developed", had "strict and definite forms, including grammatical ones" (Shprintsin, 1932, p. 112). It was these circumstances that allowed the "dialect", slightly transformed, to spread over a large territory of the Russian Far East. On the contrary, the lack of favorable conditions (the weakening of border trade, the migration of Chinese to the inner regions of Russia, the development of teaching the normative Russian language) gradually led to its disappearance.

Kyakhta-Chinese pidgin was very poor lexically and allowed communication only on simple everyday topics. This, however, did not detract from its importance as a tool for cross-cultural communication. Chinese merchants tried to talk to the Russians in their own language, but the Russians who lived on the border, having Chinese language schools there, practically did not speak the language of the opposite side.

In general, the Kyakhta-Chinese Pidgin has played a positive role in the development of contacts between Russia and China. For more than a century and a half of the Kyakhta trade's existence, this "cheap broken language was used to conduct expensive trade operations and was carried out on a huge scale" [Zhirov, 2005, p.160]. This linguistic phenomenon is also important for a modern researcher, as it conceals features "which are not noticeable in any way in Tataria, Mungalia, Kalmyks, or other Asian nations" (Pallas, 1788, p.182) .31
list of literature

Aleksandrov A. Maimachinskoe narechie [The Maimachin dialect] / / Russian Philological Bulletin, vol. XII (year 6). Warsaw: in the printing house of the Warsaw School District. 1884, N 3.

Badiev A. A. The Glorious Way / Kyakhta is 250 years old. Ulan-Ude: Buryat Book Publishing House, 1978.

Maly yazyki Evrazii: sotsiolinguisticheskiy aspekt [Small languages of Eurasia: sociolinguistic aspect].
Baudoin-de-Courtenay I. A. O smeshannom kharakter vse yazykov [On the mixed character of all languages]. 1901, No. 9 (September).

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30 In 1407, the Ming Siiguan School of Foreign Languages was opened in China. with kit. The Barbarian School of the Four Countries of the world), which began to publish such dictionaries. During the Minsk period, according to the most general estimates, the educational institution published lexicons in twenty foreign languages. These were the languages of countries that maintained regular contact with the Chinese Empire.

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