Religious Identity of Immigrants from ex-USSR in Israel

Khanin Vladimir (Ze'ev) - Israeli Ministry of Immigrant Absorption; Department of Political Studies, Bar-Ilan University and Department of Political and Middle Eastern Studies, Ariel University of Samaria (Israel). zeevk@ariel.ac.il

The paper draws upon a large-scale sociological survey analyzing three groups of respondents ranked according to a "combined Jewish identity": "status (halachic) Jews", "self-declared Jews," and "Russian Jews." The survey showed that although the Jewishness as the ethnicity remained the major component of Jewish identity of immigrants from the USSR and FSU in Israel, the religious component of their identity in the course of the recent quarter of the century had undergone serious transformation. The late Soviet opposition of "atheists" and "believers" had shifted to adapting a typical Israeli five-rank classification: atheists, hilonim (secular), masoratim (traditional), religious Zionists, and haredim (religious ultra-Orthodox). There are three sources of the religious identity of immigrants from the former Soviet Union: some elements of the Eastern-European religious tradition passed on in families; some religious experiences, both modern and traditional, adopted in the late Soviet period and in Israel; behavioral models and practices of religious origins, which rather refer to the general Israeli civil culture. Contrary to common knowledge, religious identity of the first and especially the second generation of immigrants from the USSR have much more to do with the local Israeli experiences than the so called "Soviet legacy".

Keywords: Repatriate Jews, Alyah, Jewish cultural and religious identity, Israel, USSR.

Khanin (Ze'ev) V. [Religious identity of immigrants from the former USSR in Israel]. Gosudarstvo, religiya, tserkva v Rossii i za rubezhom [State, Religion, Church in Russia and abroad]. 2015. N 3 (33). pp. 255-290.

Khanin, Vladimir (Ze'ev) (2015) "Religious Identity of Immigrants from ex-USSR in Israel", Gosudarstvo, religiia, tserkov' v Rossii i za rubezhom 33(3): 255 - 290.

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It is well known that the religious tradition itself occupies a very modest place in the collective identification of Soviet and post-Soviet Jewry, significantly inferior to the ethno-national dimensions of this phenomenon. The process of" ethnic nationalization " of Eastern European Jewish identity, which began at the end of the 19th century, ended during the Soviet era, when the communist authorities actively attacked religious cults and kept under strict control the activities of religious institutions, including Jewish ones. Instead, the society was offered, so to speak, a "civil religion" in the form of a communist ideology, a "new Soviet identity" and "socialist internationalism" (albeit in parallel with the development of "Soviet socialist nations"). Almost more than other religious cults, this applied to Judaism, which the authorities considered "a bulwark of Jewish bourgeois nationalism", which is why synagogues and other Jewish religious and cultural institutions periodically became the targets of repressive campaigns.

As a result, the Soviet Jewish national identity that prevails in the USSR was established on a secular basis, in conditions of almost complete suppression of external manifestations of Jewish identity. At the same time, the mass acculturation of Soviet Jews in the Russian socio-cultural environment, due to a number of reasons, led not to a mass departure from Jewry as such, but, on the contrary, to the formation of a special type of Soviet Jewish identity, which was continued in the post-Soviet era, both in the regions of the former USSR and in the countries of the "new Russian- the Jewish diaspora." It is obvious that the emergence and preservation of this phenomenon is in clear contradiction with the traditional understanding of the situation, according to which the observance or non-observance of the Jewish religious tradition, departure from religion as such and/or following other cults are the most important external indicators of the processes of ethno-cultural continuity, acculturation or assimilation.1
1. См. Charme, S.Z. (2000) "Varieties of Authenticity in Contemporary Jewish Identity", Jewish Social Studies 6(2): 133 - 155; Ibry, D. (1999) Exodus to Humanism. Jewish Identity without Religion. New York: Prometheus Books; Liebman, Ch. S. (1973) The Ambivalent American Jew. Politics, Religion and Family in American Jewish Life. Philadelphia: The Jewish Publication Society of America; Sarna, J.D. (1991) "Jewish

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However, it is also not necessary to talk about the complete disappearance of the Jewish religion from the socio-cultural landscape of Soviet Jewry. According to a number of opinions, Judaism during the communist regime was a positive, but de-actualized in everyday life, ethnic symbol of Soviet Jewry, almost detached from the roots of religious and cultural traditions; that is, according to researchers of this issue, a kind of element of the cultural background, which had the character of not so much a public as a family tradition, and did not imply mandatory performance of specific commandments and rituals 2.

In late Soviet and post-Soviet times, this picture was greatly complicated due to a number of important factors. First, the revival-in the wake of the national upsurge caused by Israel's victory in the Six-Day War-of dozens of informal Jewish religious organizations of various directions (from Chabad and Misnagdim to religious Zionists). Second, the emergence of models of Jewish religious identity that were borrowed at the end of the Soviet and post-Soviet eras, including those that were not previously typical of local society. Further, mass participation in organized "Jewish" community work (including repatriation to Israel) hundreds of thousands of people of mixed and non-Jewish origin, who in principle were not required to give up their former national, cultural or religious identity. And, finally, the spread in post-Soviet society of postmodern views that legitimize multiple ethno-cultural and religious identity.

As a result, today religious identity itself is already a significant (and, according to some observations, even increasing) component of Russian - Jewish identification, although it is still inferior in importance to its ethno-national component.3 And this picture becomes quite difficult when

Identity in the Challenging World of American Religion", in Cordis, D.M., Ben-Horin, Y. (eds) Jewish Identity in America, pp. 91 - 103. Los Angeles: The Wikstein Institute of Jewish Policy Studies, University of Judaism.

2. Gitelman Ts, Chervyakov V., Shapiro V. Judaism in the national self-consciousness of Russian Jews / / Bulletin of the Hebrew University in Moscow. 1994. N 3(7). С. 121 - 144; Khanin, V. (1998) "A Rabbinical Revolution? Religion, Power and Politics in the Contemporary Ukrainian Jewish Movement", Jewish Political Studies Review 10(1 - 2): 73 - 91.

3. Members M. "Features of ethnic and confessional identification of Russian Jews (miafiyaney zehuyotikhem ha-etnit ve-ha-datit ha-yehudim ha-rusim)" / / Jews of the former USSR in Israel and in the Diaspora. N 20, 21 / Edited by L. Dymer-

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the bearers of this identity, who have found themselves outside the CIS countries as a result of emigration, are forced to adapt their religious beliefs to the standards of the host community. The most striking example in this sense is Israel, where more than 170 thousand Jews and their families moved from the USSR in the 70s of the last century, and from the CIS countries in the last quarter of the century (since 1989)-about 1.1 million more Jews and their families. All of these people were forced to adapt their attitude to religion to some extent to the Israeli specifics, which included, among other things, three important circumstances. First, there is a "built-in contradiction" between the liberal-democratic nature of local society and the fact that the state delegates to religious institutions many functions of determining civil status (marriages, divorces, determining belonging to the Jewish people and, accordingly, the right to obtain Israeli citizenship, etc.); this, in turn, determines the influence of religious authorities on the state's decision-making process. the daily life of both religious and non-religious citizens of the country. Secondly, the accepted understanding of "Jewry" in Israel as an ethno-confessional community, which significantly differs from the ethno-national definition typical of Eastern Europe and the former USSR. And, finally, the need for immigrants from the USSR/CIS to rethink their previous cultural and identification ideas in Israel, moving from the usual opposition of " atheists "and" believers "to the adoption of a much more complex," five-term " scheme of local religious ideas.

Methodological aspects of the problem

It is clear that the religious identity of the community of immigrants from the former USSR in Israel is of stable interest to researchers.4 It is logical that some of them suggest analyzing this information.

skoy-Ziegelman. Jerusalem, 2002 (yehudei brit ha-moatsot lesheavar beisael uvetfutzot. йерушалаим. 2002). С. 254 - 273; Khanin, V. (1998) "Social Consciousness and Identity of Ukrainian Jewry: the Case of the Dniepr Region", Contemporary Jewry (New York), Vol. 19.

4. Leshem E. "Aliyah from the former USSR and the confrontation between religious and secular citizens in Israel" / / From Russia to Israel: identity changes and cultural transformation / Ed.by M. Lissak and E. Leshem. Tel Aviv: Kav Adom Ha-kibbutz ha-meuhad, 2001. pp. 124-147 (in Hebrew); Al-Hadj, M. (2002) "Identity Patterns among Immigrants from the Former Soviet Union in Israel: Assimilation vs. Ethnic Formation", International Migration 40(2): 49-70; Remennik,

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identity also exists in the context of the internal heterogeneity of this group. Most often, in this sense, they talk about differences between two subgroups of "Russian - speaking" immigrants of the first and second generation-officially recognized and not recognized Jews in Israel. As you know, when conducting such registration, which, as noted, has some significance for the civil status of a resident of the country, the Israeli Ministry of Internal Affairs is guided by the norm of traditional Jewish law-Halakha, according to which a person born to a Jewish mother or converted to Judaism is considered a Jew (which, according to Jewish tradition, means joining a Jewish collective, as in both religiously and ethnically).

Israel owes the current version of its "Law of Return" to the appearance of a group of "halakhic non - Jews"in the Aliyah from the CIS, which accounted for more than 30% of immigrants from the USSR and the CIS in 1989-2014, and about half of the repatriates who arrived in the country after 1998. As you know, this law, adopted in 1950 (as amended in 1956 and 1970), guarantees immediate citizenship to Jews, as well as to descendants of Jews from mixed marriages in the second and third generations, as well as to non-Jewish spouses of all these persons, if they move to Israel for permanent residence. And it is this category that has traditionally attracted the attention of researchers who have analyzed differences in attitudes towards religion within the Russian-speaking community of Israel.5
Other researchers have also noted the presence of a category of Christian believers in this group, whose identity they propose to consider separately from "believing and non-believing Jews" 6.

Despite the importance of the conclusions reached by the authors of such studies, they do not describe the existing picture in its entirety. This happens at least because formal religiosity (following Judaism or other religions) and the official religious-legal, i.e. Halakhic, legal status of the state are considered to be the same.-

L. (2010) From State Socialism to State Judaism: "Russian" Immigrants in Israel and their attitudes towards Religion (Special issue of Sociological Papers, Ramat-Gan, Vol. 15).

5. Koenigstein M. " Strangers among their own? Non-Jewish immigrants in Israel "/ / The "Russian" face of Israel: features of a social portrait / Edited by M. Koenigstein. Jerusalem-Moscow: Gesharim, 2007. pp. 218-250; Prashizky, A., Remennick, L. (2012) " Strangers in the New Homeland? Gendered Citizenship Among Non-Jewish Immigrant Women in Israel", Women's Studies International Forum 35(3): 173 - 183.

6. Raijman, R., Pinsky, J. (2011) "'Non-Jewish and Christian': Perceived Discrimination and Social Distance Among FSU Migrants in Israel", Israel Affairs 17(1): 125 - 141.

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tus do not always reflect the real structure of the religious, cultural and other identity of "Russian Israel", as well as the real origin of its representatives. So, among the more than 700,000 Russian-speaking Israelis who are registered as Jews by the Population Movement Directorate of the Israeli Interior Ministry, there are thousands of people who are not Jewish by their ethnic identity, because they do not consider themselves such. Other groups, which constitute an obvious majority, demonstrate various combinations of proper (universal) Jewish, Russian-Jewish, and Israeli-Jewish identity. And all this, undoubtedly, among other circumstances, cannot but affect the cultural and religious identification of these individuals.7
The" non-Jewish " group in Aliyah is equally inhomogeneous. According to Asher Cohen, who has studied the problems of adaptation (by his definition, "social giyur") of immigrants from the former USSR, who are not officially recognized as Jews in Israel in accordance with the criteria of Halakha, in the Israeli Jewish environment, the range of models of national and religious identity of "Russian" immigrants of mixed origin is quite wide.8 Owners of "radical isolationist" sentiments, including a significant group of carriers of non-Jewish religious (usually Christian) identity, and "radical integrists" who decided to formalize their belonging to the Israeli Jewish collective by going through a rather complex giyura process, occupy extreme positions in this spectrum. Between these poles are numerous categories of halakhic non-Jews-carriers of different models of mixed ("transitional"), different ethnic, Jewish and Israeli identities. Therefore, a simple comparison of persons with formal "Jewish" and "non-Jewish" status among immigrants from the former USSR in Israel is hardly correct.

No less problematic is the juxtaposition of a group of Russian-speaking "Christians" (which, as is commonly believed, consists of persons of non-Jewish and mixed origin) and a group of "Jews".

7. Подробнее см.: Khanin, V. (Z). (2014) Joining the Jewish Collective: Determination of the Jewish Lineage Status of Immigrants to Israel from the FSU, of Gentile and Mixed Origin in Israel. Jerusalem: Morasha Institute.

8. Cohen A. "Israeli Assimilation: the Absorption of Non-Jews in Israeli Society and its Impact on Collective Consciousness", Ramat Gan: B. Rappaport Center for Research on Assimilation and Jewish Identification, Bar-Ilan University, 2002, 2004 (in Hebrew).

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This problem is related to the fact that, on the one hand, the absolute majority of persons registered by the Ministry of Internal Affairs as Jews in accordance with the criteria of Halakha are not religious people at all in the traditional sense of the word. On the other hand, while Jewish and other (Russian, Ukrainian, Georgian, etc.) identities were perceived as mutually exclusive in the context of the establishment of a secular ethnic identity, the same cannot be said for the opposition "Judaism/Christianity" (or other religions). Although the residual elements of tradition formed a negative attitude towards "vykrest" in most families that were fully secularized and acculturated in the Russian environment, public opinion (both Jewish and non-Jewish) did not a priori push them out of the Jewish environment.9
Therefore, a more comprehensive picture of the religious and cultural identity of immigrants from the former USSR in Israel can be obtained if the analysis of the views and perceptions of various subgroups of this community, which have different formal religious and legal status, is supplemented with an analysis of several other interrelated parameters. Namely: ethnic origin, meaning persons of homogeneous Jewish, partial Jewish (first and second generations of descendants of mixed marriages) and completely non-Jewish origin; ethno-cultural identification - "Jewish universalists", "sub-ethnic" (i.e. Russian, Ukrainian, etc.) Jews; carriers of both Russian and Jewish or only non-Jewish ethnic identity. We are talking about groups that make up the real cultural and identification structure of the community of immigrants

9. Подробнее об этом феномене см. Khanin, V. (Z). (2011) "Between Eurasia and Europe": Jewish Community and Identities in Contemporary Russia and Ukraine," in Schoeps, J.H., Glukner, O. (Eds.) A Road to Nowhere? Jewish Experiences in the Unifying Europe, pp. 75 - 78. Leiden: Brill; Shternshis, A. (2007) "Kaddish in a Church: Perceptions of Orthodox Christianity among Moscow Elderly Jews in the Early 21 Century", The Russian Review 66: 273 - 294. As some researchers note, moreover, Christianity as an opposing ideology in some cases became the first available alternative for a number of Jewish intellectuals who were critical of the communist regime and its ideology and who were "searching for spirituality and roots". For their individual representatives, especially Jewish youth in large cultural and industrial centers, as some researchers of this phenomenon point out, Christian texts paradoxically became the source of their first acquaintance with the Jewish tradition. "Russian-Jewish youth in search of religious identity". Presentation at the conference "Russian-Speaking Jewry in the Modern World: Assimilation, Integration and Community Life", Bar-Plan University, Israel, June 14-16, 2004.

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from the former USSR in Israel and having their own parallels in other countries of the Russian-Jewish diaspora 10.

This complex approach was used by us in analyzing the results of a large-scale sociological study, the data of which formed the basis of this article. The study, the field part of which was conducted by the Tel Aviv Public Opinion Research of Israel (pori), was initiated by the Harry O. Trigubov Institute in partnership with the Ministry of Aliyah and Absorption of Israel and included a series of focus groups and 1016 face-to-face interviews based on a formalized questionnaire compiled by the author of these lines.11
The comprehensive approach we used in the study, which takes into account most of the above parameters, allowed us to conduct a comparative analysis on the questions of interest to us of three groups of respondents ranked according to the criterion of "combined Jewish identity":

* "Status (or halakhic) Jews" - persons, as a rule, of homogeneous Jewish origin, as well as a certain number of descendants of mixed marriages who are Jews according to Halakha. These individuals, who consider themselves primarily ethnic Jews and are officially registered in the Russian Federation.-

10. See Khanin V. (Z)., Pisarevskaya D. "Jewish youth of modern Russia: ethnonational and confessional identity" / / Bulletin of the Hebrew University (Jerusalem - Moscow). 2014. N 15. Ryvkina R. How Jews live in Russia. Sociological analysis of Changes, Moscow: IVRAN, 2005, pp. 65, 69, 70; Kliger S. Russian Jews and Russian Israelis in the USA and their attitude to the State of Israel. 2014. N 1. С. 67 - 90; Cohen, R. (2006) "Layered Identities: Jews from the Former Soviet Union in Toronto", in Gloekner, O., Garbolevsly, E., von Mering, S. (Eds.) Russian-Jewish Emigrants after the Cold War: Perspectives from Germany, Israel, Canada and the United States, pp. 57 - 68. Boston: Center for German and European Studies, Brandeis University; Glikman, Y. (1996) "Russian Jews in Canada: Threat to Identity or Promise of Renewal?", in Adelman,, H., Simpson. J. (eds) Multiculturalism, Jews and Identities in Canada, pp. 192 - 218. Jerusalem: The Magnes Press.

11.The quota sample of repatriates from the former USSR and the CIS in 1989-2013 carried out for this study is representative in accordance with the basic socio - demographic parameters of the general population-gender, age, length of service in the country and place of residence (region), calculated on the basis of statistical data of the CSB and the Ministry of Aliyah and Absorption. The remaining parameters-education, income level, country of origin, and housing availability-were not initially set as sample quotas, but the structure of the respondent body obtained in a random way and in these parameters turned out to be close or identical to the data of the CSB and the results of its review of the state of repatriates (Seker Olim, 2012), the state of society (Seker Hevrati, 2010) and the labor market (Seker koach Adam, 2011) in Israel.

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bathrooms as such in Israel accounted for 65% of our entire sample.

* "Declarative Jews" - persons of homogeneous Jewish or mixed origin who have a stable Jewish ethnic identity, but for the most part are not officially recognized as such by Israeli government agencies. They made up 19% of our sample 12.

* "Russians" - individuals of Jewish, non-Jewish, and mixed ancestry who have unstable Jewish, dual, or non-Jewish identities (16% of the sample).

The data obtained by us were in some cases compared with the results of three other studies conducted under the supervision or with the participation of the author of these lines, which included, among other things, a number of questions close to the formulation of the relevant questions of this study. The first two, the field part of which was conducted according to the same methodology by the PORI Institute, were a study of the civil identity of Russian-speaking repatriates in Israel (January-March 2011)13 and a study of the socio-cultural and political identity of this group (March 2014) 14. The sample of the third study, conducted jointly by the author of this article and Velvl Chernin in 2004-2005, included representatives of the Jewish population of Russia and Ukraine 15.

Religion and Ethnicity in the Cultural identity of "Russian" Jews

As a starting point of our presentation, we note that these and other studies show that religion as a car is not a problem.-

12. Note that from two-thirds to three-quarters of this group are people who actually meet the criteria of Jewishness that are formulated in Halakha, but who were unable or unwilling to document this fact for a number of reasons.

13. Leshem E. (with the participation of Zeev Hanin) "Civil identity of repatriates from 1990-2010 from the former USSR in Israel". Jerusalem and Ariel: Ariel University and the Israeli Ministry of Absorption, March 2011

14. Khanin V.(Z). Civil culture and political preferences of Russian-speaking Israelis. Jerusalem and Tel Aviv, March 2014

15. См. Khanin V. (Z)., Chernin, V. (2007) Identity, Assimilation and Revival: Ethnic Social Processes among the Jewish Population of the Former Soviet Union. Ramat-Gan: the Rappaport Center for Assimilation Studies and Strengthening of Jewish Vitality.

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In principle, the religious value is present in the worldview of Russian Jews, including those who have moved to Israel in the last 30 - 40 years, but it also manifests itself in a specific way in the light of the above-mentioned features of the ethnic identity of immigrants from the former USSR. For example, our surveys of the Jewish population of Eastern Ukraine in 1991, 1992, 1993, and 1994 revealed almost similar assessments of the cultural and religious motivations that encourage Jews to leave, which suggests that respondents did not separate both symbols from each other within the framework of the system of national and ethnic values. It is also significant that the proportion of respondents who identified the religious factor as an important motive for Jewish emigration in 1994 was three times higher than the number of respondents who considered themselves religious people (35% and 12%, respectively) .16
In many ways, this situation persists today, and not only among the "ethnic core", but also among the" expanded population " of post-Soviet Jews and their descendants - both in the diaspora and in Israel. 17 Thus, only about a quarter of the participants in our survey of the Jewish population of Russia and Ukraine considered that being Jewish means "keeping religious commandments and going to synagogue", placing this point at the 10th position out of 14 in the alternative scale of value priorities 18, which turned out to be close to the data of other studies of recent years 19. Only 23% of respondents then stated that they consider themselves religious people, almost half (46.5%) answered the question about religiosity negatively, and a little more than 30% found it difficult to answer.

At first glance, there are similar trends, adjusted for the realities of the "Jewish democratic state" and the existing one.-

16. Khanin, V. (Z). (1998) "Social Consciousness and Identity of Ukrainian Jewry: The Case of Dnieper Region", Contemporary Jewry (New York) 19(1): 120 - 150.

17. Gitelman Ts., Chervyakov V., Shapiro V. " National identity of Russian Jews. Materials of sociological research in 1997-1998", / / Diasporas / Diasporas. 2000. N 4. pp. 52-86; 2001, N 1. pp. 210-244; Khanin, V. (Z). "Between Eurasia and Europe: Jewish Community and Identities in Contemporary Russia and Ukraine".

18. Khanin V. (Z)., Chernin, V. Identity, Assimilation and Revival, pp. 76 - 77.

19.See Osovtsov A., Yakovenko I. The Jewish People in Russia. pp. 44-46; Ryvkina R. Kak zhivit evrei v Rossii [How Jews live in Russia]. Социологический анализ перемен; Gitelman, Z. (2003) "Thinking about Being Jewish in Russia and Ukraine", in Gitelman, Z., Giants, M., Goldman, M. I. (eds) Jewish Life after the USSR, pp. 49 - 60. Bloomington: Indiana University Press.

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It was also observed in Israel that there was a lack of a secular-religious status quo in it. At the same time, there is also a quite tangible process of rethinking the former cultural and identification ideas of immigrants from the USSR/CIS under the influence of the norms and standards adopted in Israel. It was noted that the classical opposition of "atheists" and "believers" characteristic of the late Soviet era, with the religious factor pushed to the periphery of ethno-national self-determination, underwent a serious transformation in Israel, adapting the five-member scheme adopted in local society:

* "atheists" (non-believers and, as a rule, anti-religious individuals);

* "hilonim" (secular), which in Israel means people who lead a secular lifestyle, but generally recognize the existence of Hashem; as a rule, do not have anything against religion as such; respect religious people and their customs; recognize the social status of most religious institutions and even participate from time to time in the performance of certain religious (or national-cultural, also "religious" in origin) rites of the annual and life cycle;

* "masoratim" ("traditionalists") - individuals who combine a secular (mostly) lifestyle with varying degrees of observance of religious precepts and for the most part have a stable religious identity;

* religious Zionists (so-called "knitted bales") - supporters of an organic combination of orthodox religious values with the ideals of Jewish statist nationalism and therefore actively involved in almost all spheres of Israeli life;

* "Haredim "(literally," tremblers") are ultra - Orthodox religious groups that emphasize strict observance of the commandments (as they understand them) of Judaism and are largely self-detached from most areas of local social, economic, and cultural practice.

The structure of religious and cultural identity of the repatriates seems to have stabilized at the turn of the last and present centuries, and since then, numerous surveys show that

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a similar picture. Approximately 3-7% of people from the former USSR identified themselves as "consistently religious", of which about a third were ultra - Orthodox ("Haredi") and two-thirds were religious Zionists. About a fifth to a quarter more are "traditionalists". Only 12-17% of" Russian Israelis", according to surveys, consider themselves"consistent or even anti-religious atheists." The majority of" Russian " Israelis-approximately 50-60% - consider themselves to be the most widespread and among native Israelis in the category of "hilonim" 20.

This ratio was also recorded by the three large-scale surveys of repatriates from the former USSR conducted in 2011, 2013 and 2014. At the same time, in the last two studies, an uncritical, but still consistent increase was noted, in comparison with the 2011 survey and previous studies, in the share of "hilonyms" at the expense of religious and "traditionalists", which needs to be explained.

In the first case, it may be related to the research topic itself - religion, identity, and the problem of Jewish status - which caused respondents to relate their self-determination to real practices and take a more critical attitude than usual to their religious self-determination, that is, to encourage some religious respondents to define themselves as "masoratim", and some "Masoratim".masoratim "- as " secular, observing the basic rites of the annual and life cycle." In the second case, this may be due to the return of the topic of secular-religious confrontation to the center of the public agenda between the Knesset elections (January 2013) and the municipal elections (October 2013). The future will show whether we are really dealing with a stable trend or a temporary anomaly.

20. For a detailed review of the results of basic research on this topic, see: Khanin V. (Z.). Israelis, but in their own way: aspects and models of identity of Russian-speaking Israelis / / V. (Z.) Khanin, A.D. Epshtein and M. Niznik. Undoubtedly, Israelis: Russian-speaking Jews "at home" and "abroad" - identity and culture. Jerusalem and Ramat Gan: A Program for the Study of Modern Jewry at Bar-Ilan University, 2011, pp. 43-44 (in Hebrew). См. также: Remennik, L. (2010) "Evolving Attitudes and Practices in the Religious Field among Former Soviet Immigrants in Israel", Sociological Papers 15.

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Table 1. Comparison of religious identification of CIS Jews and "Russian" Jews in Israel

CIS countries

Israel

Total, 2004-2005

Total, 2011

Total, 2013

Total, 2014

Religious organizations

Ultra-Orthodox people

0,3%

1%

1%

23%

Religious Zionists

2,8%

1%

1%

"Traditionalists"

24,1%

15%

10%

They can't answer

30,5%

Secular, slightly observant of tradition

55,1%

64%

67%

Non-religious ones

15,3%

Non-religious ones

46,5%

17%

19%

Anti-religious services

2,3%

Other

2%

2%

%

100%

%

100%

100%

100%

Total

Total

N

560

N

780

1016

1003

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In any case," Haredim", religious Zionists, and" Masoratim "in total (25-30 %) in our samples are consistently comparable to the share of" religious " people among the Jews of the CIS - 21 and the new Russian-Jewish community in North America. Approximately half of the "khilonim" (that is, about 30% of Olim from the former Soviet Union) in the existing socio-cultural situation in the CIS and the Baltic States, apparently, when answering a question about their religiosity, would classify themselves as "difficult to answer". And the other half, together with various categories of "non-religious", "anti-religious" and "other", are almost identical to the share of" non - religious " among the respondents of our 2004-2005 survey in the CIS.

Once again, we are dealing with processes that have a common root, but go on in parallel and undergo corresponding transformations under the influence of the local, post-Soviet or Israeli environment.

These processes are especially dynamic among young people who grew up or were born in Israel, as well as among the first in the full sense of the word post-Soviet generation of CIS Jews. As far as Israel is concerned, society and its institutions (school, army, etc.) play a much more significant role in the religious and cultural socialization of young repatriates in terms and concepts accepted in Israel than the family. One of these facts was recorded by a study conducted by The Myers-JDC-Brookdale Institute, commissioned by the Israeli Ministry of Absorption, on the identity and social well-being of six groups of repatriated youth. According to this study, the proportion of young people from the former USSR who declared that they personally observed the Jewish tradition to some extent was five times higher than the proportion of those who indicated that their families observed this tradition (54 and 11%, respectively). At the same time, 67% said that Jewish holidays are celebrated in their families 22.

Similar processes in the post-Soviet space have become the product of both new models of civil identification and the result of the activities created there.

21. Khanin, "Between Eurasia and Europe", pp. 75 - 78.

22. Cohen Stravichinsky P., Levi D., Konstantinov V. Repatriated youth in Israel: current state. Jerusalem: Brookdale Institute and Israel's Ministry of Aliyah and Absorption, 2010, p. 11 (in Hebrew).

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In the last two decades, there has been an extensive network of Jewish community-based educational institutions. A study by Gitelman, Chervyakov, and Shapiro in Russia and Ukraine (1997) found that if "positive Jewish emotions" in the older age group are associated with the atmosphere of family upbringing, then for young people the family is less and less likely to be a significant factor in the formation of Jewish identity. It is no coincidence that the researchers were able to identify a large group of respondents whose national identity is not inherited (these people declared themselves Jewish, despite the fact that both of their parents did not identify themselves as such)23. Our recent study of Jewish youth in Russia shows an advanced stage of these processes. According to this study, in many cases Jewish traditions are introduced into Jewish families that are almost completely acculturated in a non-Jewish environment, at the initiative of representatives of the youth, and not the older generation.24
At the same time, if we compare the Russian-Jewish communities of Israel and the CIS as a whole, taking into account that both are still dominated by people who have, in different proportions, both late Soviet and post-Soviet and / or Israeli experience, we can not help noticing a certain similarity in a number of parameters that interest us, and above all those related to basic ethno-cultural differences in the internal structure of each of them. So, when asked in our 2005 survey what religion respondents consider their own (regardless of their level of religiosity), about 60% of CIS Jews named Judaism. More than a quarter identified as such Christianity or both Judaism and Christianity, and 14.5% declared themselves consistent atheists.

It is significant that the first group was absolutely dominated by representatives of a strong Jewish-universalist and sub-ethnic group.

23. Gitelman Ts., Chervyakov V., Shapiro V. " National identity of Russian Jews. Materials of the sociological research of 1997-1998". p. 74.

24. The study was based on two independent surveys of modern Russian Jewish youth conducted in 2008-2009 and 2010-2011, respectively, by the author of these lines and Moscow anthropologist Dina Pisarevskaya. See Khanin V. (Z)., Pisarevskaya D. Jewish youth of modern Russia: national identity, values and Prospects / / Bulletin of the Hebrew University: History. Culture. Civilization. Jerusalem - Moscow. 2013. N 15. pp. 169-197.

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jewish identity (as a rule, representatives of ethnically homogeneous Jewish families). But respondents with dual or non-Jewish identities (mostly descendants of mixed marriages and non-Jewish spouses of Jews) were disproportionately represented in the second and third groups 25.

As for Israel, the share of open Christians and "crypto-Christians" in the sample of our 2013 study was approximately 2% of the total number of respondents and about 7% of the number of respondents who are not registered as Jews according to Halakha. This is almost identical to the above estimate by Asher Cohen26 and, apparently, corresponds to the real weight of this subgroup among the "Russians". However, Rebecca Rayman and Yanina Pinsky, referring to another work by Asher Cohen27, as well as to an article by Yair Sheleg28, claim that the number of practicing or declared Christians among OLIM from the former USSR is about 30,000 people, that is, about 3% of all repatriates in 1989-2010 and 10% of all repatriates - non-Jews in Halakha 29. We think this estimate is too high.

In any case, more than half of the respondents with a stable Russian or other non-Jewish identity in our studies of olim from the former USSR in Israel declared themselves consistent atheists or chose the "other" option (which in this case was a clear euphemism for Christianity). This was four times as much as among "universalist Jews" and two and a half times as much as among other groups and on average for the sample. And another 45% of " Russians "in our 2014 sample chose the"hilonim" option.

25. Khanin and Chernin, Identity, Assimilation and Revival, pp. 89 - 93.

26. Cohen A. Israeli assimilation.

27. Cohen A. Non-Jewish Jews in Israel. Ramat Gan: Keter, 2005 (in Hebrew).

28. Sheleg Ya. Jews - but not according to Halakha: the Dilemma of Non-Jewish Immigrants in Israel. Jerusalem, 2004 (in Hebrew).

29. Raijman and Pinsky, "'Non-Jewish and Christian'", p. 126.

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Table 2-1. Models of religious identity of respondents in accordance with their ethnic identification

Conversely, among the respondents to our main 2013 survey who declared themselves "atheists", the proportion of those who identified their ethnicity as "Russian" was two and a half times higher, and as "Russian and Jew at the same time" or as "citizen of the world" - one and a half times higher than in the previous year. average for the sample. These same variants of non-Jewish and mixed identity dominated among "Christians" and those who chose not to name their religious identity or found it difficult to define it.

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Table 2-2. Models of respondents ' ethnic identity in accordance with their religious identification

The latter option was often used by people with dual or non-Jewish religious identities, which was shown by the fact that 71% of this group also found it difficult to answer the question whether they wanted their children to be Jewish; 29% - the same number as among "atheists" - answered negatively, and the positive answer was as follows: and among the open "Christians", none of them gave.

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Table 3. Respondents ' religious identity according to their attitude to the idea of Jewish continuity

It is not surprising that non-Jewish and mixed-race respondents were disproportionately represented in the same three categories.

At the same time, all carriers of Jewish religious identification and more than 90% of those who identified themselves as "traditionalists" simultaneously had a stable Jewish ethnic identity. Naturally, these categories were dominated by respondents of" purely Jewish " origin, and among religious Zionists there were also disproportionately many - twice as many as the average for the sample-representatives of the first generation of mixed families, mostly registered as Jews according to Halakha or who had passed giyur (an interesting phenomenon that needs to be considered separately). Finally, among the "secular" ("hilonim") respondents, all types of ethnic identity and all variants of ethnic origin of "Russian" Israelis were proportionally represented.

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Table 4. Models of religious identity in accordance with the respondents ' ethnic origin

All the above-mentioned trends naturally focus on the religious identification of the three ethno-status categories of respondents identified by us. Thus, atheists among the "declared non-Jews" in our sample were twice as many as among the "declared ethnic non-Halakhic Jews", and four times more than among the status Jews officially registered as Jews according to Halakha. In total, atheists," Christians " (who are entirely concentrated in this category), as well as people who found it difficult to determine their religious affiliation, made up half of this category-

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rii. This confirms the feeling that very many of those who can be called "Russians" or" Slavs " based on their ethnic origin and / or identity consider the main types of Jewish religiosity ("Hiloni", "Masorati" and religious Orthodox). as something that is completely outside the context of their religious identification.

The ambivalent status of ethnic Jews who are not officially registered as such in Israel, from the point of view of their real and formal status, is also reflected in the fact that among them there were four times more than the average for the sample, those who did not want to declare their religious affiliation; and also half as many as among the "status" Jews."Jews," hilonim, " but twice as many "atheists." Finally, the highest level of formal religiosity in our sample was found, as expected, among "status" / Halakhic Jews.

See Table 5. Ethnic status and religious identification

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Table 6. Models of religious identification of respondents in accordance with their ethnic status

All of the above suggests that the formation and transformation of religious identification of immigrants from the former USSR in Israel do not occur by themselves, but within the framework of more complex models of cultural integration of this group of the country's population into local society.

Cultural and religious practice

It is these circumstances that allow us to explain the cases of frequent disproportion between the personal declaration of religiosity and the religious behavior of immigrants from the former USSR in Israel. For example, there is a marked difference between participation in religious ceremonies that are perceived as a purely religious act (for example, visiting a synagogue), and those ceremonies and rituals of the Jewish annual and life cycles that are established in the public consciousness of repatriates as elements of cultural socialization in Israeli society. This picture is further complicated by the fact that the situation in Israel, where the public practice of religious traditions is an external indicator of religious and cultural identity, differs from the situation in the CIS countries, where, on the other hand, the state of Israel is not the same.-

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For example, synagogue attendance and participation in festivals are more a factor of community socialization than a criterion of religiosity.30 Therefore, it is not surprising that only 2% (the same number as "fully religious Jews" in our sample) of our "Russian-Israeli" respondents attend synagogue with a high degree of regularity. A tenth of them do this on holidays, and about a third do it from time to time (the first of these two categories consisted almost entirely of "traditionalists", the second - a third of "traditionalists" and two-thirds of "chilonim"). Finally, more than half of our respondents do not attend synagogue at all. This is what almost 60% of "chilonim" and almost 80% of atheists do, which accounted for 67% and 25% of those who practically do not participate in religious ceremonies in the synagogue, respectively.

Table 7. Frequency of synagogue visits by respondents, according to their declared religiosity

30. Khanin and Chernin, Identity, Assimilation and Revival, p. 89.

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As expected, these trends have a fairly obvious correlation with the identification and status groups of respondents and their ethnic origin. According to our study, the frequency of synagogue visits by respondents was directly proportional to the homogeneity of their Jewish origin. Accordingly, "status" / Halakhic Jews attended public prayers one and a half times more often than ethnic "non-Halakhic" Jews, and three times more often than "declared non-Jews".

Table 8. Frequency of synagogue visits by respondents according to their ethnic origin and ethnic status

A completely different picture is formed from the analysis of respondents ' answers to the question about the other two religious groups in their core

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rites, which are precisely the above-mentioned indicators of civic acculturation. We are talking about the rituals of "Brit-mila" and "bar / bat mitzvah". When asked what the respondents would do if they had children at the age of "bar / bat mitzvah", 40% said that they would celebrate this event according to all the rules - with the ascent to the Torah in the synagogue, the imposition of tefillin etc., and another 40% would celebrate this event as a family holiday, without any special religious rites.

Naturally, the differences between the groups were also quite significant in these plots. Respondents of homogeneous Jewish origin would have chosen the first, completely traditional, version of the bar/bat mitzvah ceremony twice as often as half-Jews, two and a half times more often than "a quarter of Jews" and 11 (!) times more often than people without Jewish roots. And among the latter, on the contrary, those who would have celebrated this event as a family-civil holiday dominated. A similar alignment follows from a comparison of the positions of identification status groups on this issue: again, "status" / Halakhic Jews chose the traditional rite one and a half times more often than ethnic "non-Halakhic" Jews, and three times more often than "declared non-Jews". And in the last two categories, those who would have chosen the civil version of the ceremony dominated.

Only a fifth of our respondents gave an evasive ("I don't know what I would do today or when this topic will appear") or negative answer, and the proportion of respondents who answered this way was the greater, the less certain the Halakhic status and the less pronounced the Jewish identity of the respondents. This was also quite consistent with ethnogenetic parameters: the proportion of respondents who said that they would not have celebrated this event was inversely proportional to the degree of ethnic homogeneity of the respondents ' origin.

The same trend was also shown by the attitude to another important Jewish custom - "Brit-mila", that is, the ceremony of circumcision of the foreskin, which, according to tradition, Jewish boys undergo on the 8th day after birth. More than half of the respondents supported this rite as part of Jewish tradition and an important national custom. About a third were willing to accept the ritual for socio-cultural reasons - either as a "useful medical operation, without any connection with religion", or explicitly admitting that since "almost everyone here does this", they do not want their child to be a "white crow".

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Table 9. Attitudes to the idea of a "bar / bat mitzvah" ceremony for the children or grandchildren of respondents according to their ethnic origin and ethnic status

A tenth of our respondents gave evasive answers, either shifting the decision "to the boy himself when he grows up", or stating that they do not have a definite opinion on this issue. And only 4% of respondents directly opposed "this ancient custom, which should not be followed in our time." And the division between different identification-status and ethnogenetic groups on the question of the expediency of the Brit-mila ceremony turned out to be almost similar to their approaches to the question of the bar/bat mitzvah ceremony discussed above.

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Table 10. Attitude to the idea of the Brit-mila ceremony for the sons or grandchildren of respondents in accordance with their ethnic origin and ethnic status

There is also a significant difference between more active observance of those religious traditions that have a public character, and much less active observance of those rites that have a more individual connotation.

So, 62% of respondents reported that they always, and another quarter sometimes buy matzah on Passover, and, accordingly, 39%

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and 29% light candles on Hanukkah; 42% and 38% participate in the Passover Seder, and 37% each celebrate Purim regularly and occasionally. Moreover, "status" / Halakhic Jews and" declared ethnic Jews "do this one and a half to two times more often than"declared non-Jews". However, the percentage of declared "non-Jews" who celebrate Jewish holidays from time to time was even higher than in other categories. Overall, 37% of respondents regularly celebrate Jewish holidays, and more than half (54%) do so occasionally.

The only exception among the "public" rites was such a seemingly widely accepted religious and cultural act in Israel as the construction of a ritual hut on the holiday of Sukkot: according to our respondents, only 10% of them constantly do this, and another 16% do it sometimes (slightly more often than the average for the sample, this is done by young people and people of early middle age - young parents of small children).

As for the sphere of non-public (or individual-family) observance of elements of cultural and religious tradition by repatriates, the situation here is already different. Less than a third of respondents regularly fast on Yom Kippur, and about a quarter do so partially or occasionally. A quarter and a fifth, respectively, constantly or occasionally light Sabbath candles, even fewer - less than 10% and 20% - fully or partially observe Shabbat; and the same number - Kashrut. This is significantly lower than the proportion of native Israelis and veterans who observe these traditions recorded in the Gutman Center study.31
However, even in this non-public sphere, we can observe a significant difference in the behavior patterns of the three identification-status groups. Thus, the ratio between those who fully or partially fast on Yom Kippur is approximately 60: 40 among "status-Halakhic" Jews, approximately 50: 50 among " declared ethnic Jews "and only 30:70 among"declared non-Jews". More than half of "status-halakhic" Jews always or sometimes light Sabbath candles; more than a third fully or partially observe Shabbat and adhere to Kashrut regulations, while among "declared non-Jews", respectively, less than a third and about 15% do so, and "declared ethnic Jews" occupied an intermediate position in this case between these two groups.

31. Arian, A., Keissar-Sugarmen, A. (2012) A Portrait of Israeli Jews: Beliefs, Observance, and Values of Israeli Jews, 2009: Survey Conducted by the Guttman Center for Surveys of the Israel Democracy Institute for The AVI CHAI-Israel Foundation, pp. 30 - 34. Jerusalem: Israel Democracy Institute.

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Table 11. Performance of Jewish religious and cultural rites in accordance with the respondents ' ethnic status: public sphere

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Table 12. Performance of Jewish religious and cultural rites in accordance with the respondents ' ethnic status: individual and family sphere

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General conclusions

Summing up, we note that the religious identification of immigrants from the former USSR in Israel has three main sources.

The first is the remnants of the Eastern European Jewish religious and cultural tradition preserved in the families of repatriates (natives of Central Asia and the Caucasus to a much greater extent than Russian Ashkenazim). It is obvious that the more ethnically homogeneous the origin of respondents is and the older they are, the more significant is the role of this factor.

The second source is a system of "modern" (or non-traditional) religious beliefs acquired in the late Soviet and post-Soviet eras and/or in Israel itself, adapted to the "denominations" of Judaism accepted in Israel ("traditionalist" - religious Zionist - "Haredi"), and the degree of identification with these norms, as one would expect, is proportional to the time spent in the country.

Finally, the third source is the assimilation of religious behavioral patterns and rituals as an element of not so much religious as Israeli civil culture, which is typical primarily for young people and middle-aged people.

All of this leads to the conclusion that in the cultural discourse of the Russian-speaking Israeli community, the socio-civic perception of traditional rites and customs of Jewish life still dominates over the religious one itself. This, in turn, explains the significant difference between the more active observance of those religious traditions that have a public character, and the much less active observance of those rites that have a more individual connotation.

Thus, contrary to popular opinion in the sociological literature and mass media, the religious identification of the first and even more so of the second generation of immigrants from the former USSR in Israel is more the result of local Israeli experience than the result of the so-called "Soviet heritage".

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