Libmonster ID: SE-436

The external economic expansion of the West and the response of the internal structures of Eastern societies to it already presuppose two completely different sets of research sources. In fact, there are more of them. And almost every one of them is interdisciplinary. The following articles from the cycle I have planned, which begins with this publication, will mainly describe the final results of scientific research. Of course, they are fully supported by the relevant research apparatus. This device is transparent for possible verification, given in the dynamics of studying the problem by my predecessors or in showing the logic of the development of my reasoning. Another issue is the formation of analytical tools, the search for comparable macro-indicators that would synthetically provide answers to the main trends in economic communication between the West and the East, and the very complex reaction of the latter to entering the world capitalist economy. Such a display of the preliminary research laboratory in these articles would only disperse the concentration of the final argumentation, would make their structure more loose. And here it is appropriate. Moreover, it is necessary for the following reason: what in the future will look like a fairly "smooth" selection of indicators that smoothly flows from one chronological period to another, or, for example, from the system of foreign trade statistics to estimates of agricultural marketability, or, for another example, to the relationship between tax switching and external influences, in fact the case was recreated bit by bit. Often this was done only through a comprehensive study of completely different primary sources and scientific literature, when, suddenly, the commodity structure of European imports intersected with the nature of the relationship between an Asian city and its rural periphery. Here is a working picture that remains in the background (in future articles it will appear only in fragments) I'm going to outline it here in more detail, including for the final answer to the question of whether the conclusions are consistent with the evidence base.

The first information and research array that I want to focus on is foreign trade statistics, existing estimates, estimates made by me, the choice of priorities among indicators, related indirect data related to the international economic communication of these two macrocivilizations - East and West.

The study was carried out within the framework of the RFBR research project No. 05 - 06 - 80041a.

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The popular ideas that still exist about the overexploitation of the colonial East by Western countries look very strange when compared with statistical and similar data on their mutual trade. For centuries, the West has paid Asia for its goods in gold and silver. This was the case from ancient times to the Great Geographical Discoveries. Then the routes of communication changed (they became easier), territorial seizures appeared, but the picture is the same. Pass the XVI, XVII, XVIII centuries . - again fundamentally nothing changes. The 19th century is coming. By this time, industrial revolutions had taken place in Western Europe, it was becoming an industrial world, and huge Asian territories had already been subordinated to it for a long period, but the East did not want to turn into a market for Western goods. It was only in the second half of the 19th century that its most developed country, Great Britain, made phenomenal industrial and scientific steps and began to achieve relatively modest success. In the twentieth century, colonial Asia is still very little involved in the world capitalist division of labor. And this is taking into account the situation that has always been so pathetically exposed as not independent-dependent on the metropolises.

Here, the body of the macro-indicator I have proposed (i.e., the nature of trade relations, the most specific feature of this economic communication) branches out into several analytical areas. There can be no doubt that the East did not acquire European goods as early as the mid-nineteenth century, due to the low purchasing power caused by the so-called colonial tribute, or the exploitation of enslaved peoples, which forced them to exist on the verge of a biological minimum. In due course, for these purposes, an analysis of the tax rate will be made, which was designed specifically to increase both the purchasing power of the population and the marketability of agriculture. Competitiveness assessments will also be given (both based on the materials of increasing labor productivity in the industrial West, and on the materials of natural resource support in the eastern and western worlds). And of course, it will be suggested to consider the East's rejection of the West as a commodity partner as a phenomenon that reflects broader economic and social processes.

However, first of all, it is necessary to accurately determine the scale of this phenomenon, its statistical and general economic significance for both the Western and Eastern economies. After all, the question is quite reasonable: what if this is a far-fetched problem, the size of absorption of precious metals by the traditional Asian economy was small, and for Europeans, finally, this state of affairs was a profitable and convenient form of trade exchange? Looking ahead to the last argument, I will immediately answer: for some reason, the same Europeans finally managed to turn the tide in the twentieth century, ensuring that their products could conquer Eastern markets. What is the point of a market economy if it does not follow the path of expansion? The problem is much deeper, and studying it is one of the keys to understanding the essence of the economic superiority of Asia, which later turned into a disaster.

Materials about the massive outflow of gold and silver to the East in exchange for its much better than Western goods (even during the industrial development of Europe) are not uncommon in principle. Another thing is what quality they are. Most often, these are just words. Of course, when A. Smith in" The Wealth of Nations " mentions direct and regular cruising from America to Asia, without calling at European ports, ships loaded with precious metals, his scientific authority and encyclopedic knowledge add weight to this fact. It can and should be brought. It is also necessary to use data on a similar issue from another encyclopedist - G.-T. Raynal, from his "History of institutions and commerce of Europeans in both Indies". There is already some digital material there. But its validity is relative: fragmentary information, the presence of often unsuitable generalizations (with an unclear course)

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They will force you to either maneuver or openly admit your lack of confidence in certain estimates. It is better to leave this data for comparison with other sources, as a second-row argument, as a hypothetical context for thinking about small gaps in the already constructed evaluation series. Although for the sake of completeness, it should still be said that A. Smith has a high opinion of G.-T. Raynal's awareness [Smith, 1962, pp. 164-165].

Why am I so cautious about the ways and extent of precious metals outflow to Asia? In the course of studying the problem, I set a fairly clear task: to compare the world production and how much was exported to the East, including to obtain average annual estimates in physical volumes for a fairly representative period (both for gold and silver), as well as, if possible, to give general values for several centuries. In addition, cost indicators were also needed, but in such a form that their comparability could be traced both in large chronological lags, and by currency unit (preferably a single one), and by the ratio of gold and silver prices.

Meanwhile, the patriarchs ' material on global economic processes did not provide the required clarity. I had to go through the works of F. Braudel, I. M. Kulischer, V. Sombart, R. Triffin, V. Langenbeck (with their already made generalizations of a very large number of previous studies), but sometimes bright (even catchy) estimates did not satisfy the tasks of recreating the desired harmonious panorama. Moreover, the contradictions were often baffling. Sometimes, it would seem, generally consistent physical volumes of world production were already found, but then confusion began with the role of the East: at best, the data were divided by national currencies, and an attempt to combine all this was fraught with major errors. In addition, gold and silver were not singled out separately, and their value ratio was very different both in chronology and by country. And here again we had to return to the search for physical volumes already associated with the ebb to Asian countries. Apparently, most researchers were not interested in the problem from the angle I was looking from. They were mostly satisfied with the fact that the East obviously takes a large part of the precious metals of the whole world for its products; they gave a few scattered estimates, and then usually followed by emotional statements of major thinkers about the bottomless eastern abysses that absorb the treasures of Christian peoples. Of course, the situation is also explained by the fact that Oriental economic thought, as a specific field of knowledge, was just emerging, and for the general economic cultural tradition of the West (with its in-depth knowledge of itself at that time), general or approximate ideas were sufficient.

In any case, I continued my search and finally came to one of the works of J. McCulloch, where I was struck by the certainty of some information. In general, this is a highly underestimated, obviously great applied economist, and not a "vulgar economist", as another well-known person describes him. J. McCulloch practically created a new type of information system for the world economy. Of course, these were not yet in our understanding periodical commercial and scientific publications. But the volume and variety of information collected for his encyclopedias, dictionaries, and collections are unprecedented. In addition to the information that was updated and clarified from time to time, the publishing and scientific credo of the scientist was based not on the principle of momentary market conditions, economic situation in certain countries, etc., but on the desire to consider long-term trends, to see in the background of the issue useful information for the present and future. This type includes the Precious Metals survey in his Practical, Theoretical, and Historical Dictionary of Commerce and Commercial Navigation. Well known,

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that the mines of the New World after the Great Geographical Discoveries became the main suppliers of precious metals to the world market. And here I see in the survey, combined in dollars for Central and South America, the average annual dynamics of production and total exports from the XVI to the beginning of the XIX century. Then the average annual production of gold and silver for the turn of the XVIII-XIX centuries is given, not only in value terms, but also in weight quantities. Finally, it is argued that about 60% of American production at the beginning of the XIX century went to the countries of the East. This was an extraordinary breakthrough in the scientific search process on this issue. However, J. R. R. Tolkien McCulloch notes that he owes most of the source material to the" great work " of A. von Humboldt (McCulloch, 1871, p. 1122).

I was weighed down by the weight of the accumulated, but in many ways did not agree with the conclusions of J. R. R. Tolkien. MacCulloch's information (above I have given only a few names of its authors -I will fill in this gap below). Moreover, A. Humboldt did not arise in such a key context. During his lifetime, he received worldwide recognition as an outstanding naturalist, geographer, traveler, and climatologist. Napoleon Bonaparte, however, considered him a botanist [Terra, 1961, pp. 181-182]. The scientist worked in the field of geology and minerals, which was also in demand by modern science and capital. However, with regard to the issue discussed here, this is probably the same irony of fate when a scientific result created outside of a narrow corporate environment remains unclaimed by it, only occasionally flashing details and being overshadowed by the work on inventing a new bicycle. Of course, in this case, this was most likely caused not by distrust, but by a strong tradition of working in the usual search and research field. Indeed, at first glance, it is difficult to combine the journey of the naturalist in 1799-1804. to South and Central America to get specific estimates of Asia's absorption of gold and silver from all over the world, especially for an orientalist - with his tendency to isolationism. However, among the 30-volume collection of works by A. Humboldt was a highly professional economic and statistical work, which not only confirmed the correctness of J. McCulloch, but also, thanks to literally a sea of new data placed there, made it possible (by additional calculations) to solve the problem posed above. Moreover, I have seen the analysis and processing of quantitative data by the aforementioned Raynal, as well as Necker, Robertson, Navaretta, Solorzano, and others. I also managed to see how some figures, having changed the name of A. Humboldt to the name of the new owner, continue to live in modern science and are not questioned, are rechecked, and again the conclusions remain generally the same.

This reliability is explained simply by the phenomenal thoroughness and coverage of an unprecedented range of sources, including the ability to access them. The scientist's research work in the New World was supported by the Spanish King. Therefore, any field surveys were conducted, all the desired archives, customs statistics, reports on the productivity of mines were offered, private conversations were allowed with the responsible persons of the colonial administration, engineering personnel. In the Political Review of New Spain (vol. 3), there are more than 30 pages in tables with only preparatory material on the issue that interests me [Humboldt, 1827, p. 4]. 178 - 180, 294 - 295, 300 - 303, 305 - 307, 345 - 346, 353, 362 - 365, 377 - 379, 385, 393, 398, 400, 408, 412, 414 - 418, 428 - 429, 438]. Although as a result, all this in my research was reduced to 10-15 quantitative indicators, plus a small decoding of the monetary equivalents of physical volumes of gold and silver. But now I know that more than 90% of precious metals were mined in the early 19th century. It was in America that up to three-fifths of this volume was exported to the East by the Western world, which was already industrially developed at that time. I can also now

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present a very reliable reconstruction of this trend over several centuries. Of course, this will not be done without the help of the modern research tradition. There are important details in it, and I used them. However, relying only on it, I would have to go to many things in a roundabout way, often without being sure which source the author really used - often the cumbersome scientific apparatus actually covered up the secondary and tertiary nature of the information (hence the inevitable errors in retelling and, of course, the overlapping subjectivity).

I have worked with the works of E. Hamilton, A. Attman, V. Barrett, D. Flain, and A. Kobata [Hamilton, 1934; Attman, 1981; idem., 1986 (1); idem., 1986 (2), pp. 113-122; Barrett, 1990, pp. 224-254; Flynn, 1986, pp. 37-60; Flynn, 1996; Kobata, 1965, pp. 245-266; Kobata, 1970]. The topic was well presented at the IX International Congress on Economic History (Bern, 1986), and I was able to hear a lot there. The current search process in this area deserves a lot of attention, including the statistical and evaluative foundation of A. Smith's words about the flow of precious metals from America across the Pacific Ocean to East Asia. But here is what is interesting: the estimates of the mentioned and other works reduced to a common denominator in 1998 by the talent of A. Frank gave a quantitative series in the order of numbers that coincides with the Humboldt one. Other things are also interesting: A. Frank himself did not work with the work of A. Humboldt, but only mentions it as used by some other authors [Frank, 1998, p.142]. Nevertheless, the presence of such a well-executed generalization allows me to draw a direct line from A. Humboldt to A. Frank in the final analysis.

The next aspect of the source-search direction under consideration is the selection of the most synthetically constructed information of a relatively detailed nature. Above, we talked about the indisputability of a continuous outflow of huge (precisely on a global scale) quantities of gold and silver to the Asian world. However, this does not give the right to judge a priori their significant share in paying for imports from the East by Europeans. It is also necessary to prove the phenomenon of a steady rejection of the overwhelming majority of the Western world's product offerings in a substantive, concise and convincing way. After all, in this case, too, there are too many words and not enough specifics. Of course, when introducing the topic, I use vivid quotes from thinkers of the past who owned the minds of more than one generation of people - M. Luther, F. Bernier, G.-T. Raynal, S. Montesquieu. But what about words. For Soviet-style indologists-Marxists, even K. Marx's absolutely definite instructions on this subject were not true. Thoth, in the British Raj in India, writes: "Since time immemorial, Europe has received magnificent fabrics-the product of Indian labor - and sent its precious metals in return" [Marx, 1957, vol.9, p. 133]. And the most famous scientist, Doctor of Economics A. I. Levkovsky explicitly states that trade is an instrument of plunder by the colonialists (and this was said during the" thaw " of the 1960s). After all, how tempting it was to explain in this way the scourge of the Eastern world that was revealed in the XX century, or rather, became evident - underdevelopment. Here's a look at how the reader is inspired by this idea in a 1963 monograph: "As the Indian states weakened and the power of Great Britain increased, the conquistadors from Europe became more and more impudent." The very same British trade with India "it would be more correct to call not trade, but robbery." In support of this, the following figures are provided. For three years (1766-1768), only 624 thousand pounds of goods were imported to Bengal from England, while Indian goods were exported for 6 million 311 thousand pounds [Levkovsky, 1963, p. 10, 12]. And, according to Levkovsky, it turns out that the nine - fold difference in value between exports and imports was appropriated by the aforementioned conquistadors free of charge-they did not need Marx's precious metals.

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Karl Marx, who is known for his attitude towards British capital and the country that sheltered it, is confused and corrected even in completely harmless theories of the unequal struggle of the oppressed and economically indisputable things. K. A. Antonova found herself in such a trap. In her "English Conquest of India", the understanding that the problem exists can be seen through the battle-colonization smoke [Antonova, 1958, p. 45]. But, apparently, paying tribute to the generally accepted, she tries to somehow obscure the question, which is why there is an incredible confusion. See for yourself: "Characteristic of the English East India Company in the XVII century was the eternal lack of funds, this "nerve of war", especially the war of trade. When finding the right money, the Company had to contend with representatives of the theory of mercantilism - the dominant economic theory of the time. Mercantilism declared it a mortal sin to export money from the country, and England-not yet the industrial "workshop of the world" - could not pay for Asian goods in any other way. That is why (here begins a quote from Karl Marx, which is not very clear in this context, and I put it in italics)."monopolists in India were the first preachers of the principle of free trade in England" [ibid., p. 39].

What does mercantilism have to do with it? What are his deadly sins? The genius of this school and its head, the Englishman T. Man (1571-1641), was precisely that the East was excluded from the system. (I will return to T. Man separately later.)

The above quote is taken from the article by Karl Marx "The East India Company, its history and results of its activities". And if K. A. Antonova had retold Marx's text, located a few lines above, she would have had to state: K. Marx writes about the export of precious metals to the East from England as a common and legalized matter; only ways were sought to reduce costs by reselling them in Europe. However, here is the passage itself: "At the beginning of the East India Company, in the reign of Elizabeth, the Company received permission to export annually silver, gold and foreign coin to the amount of 30,000 pounds sterling for the profitable conduct of its trade with India. This was a violation of all the prejudices of the century, and Thomas Man was forced, in his" Discourse on the Trade between England and the East Indies, "to lay down the principles of the" mercantilist system, " and to admit that precious metals are the only real wealth that any country can possess, while at the same time proving that their exportation can be dangerous. export is allowed if the balance of payments is favorable for the exporting nation. In this sense, he argued that the goods imported from the East Indies are mostly exported again to other countries, from which they receive significantly more gold and silver than was required to pay for these goods in India" [Marx, 1957, vol.9, p. 156].

Hush-up of such an indigestible phenomenon, which seems to whitewash colonialism, is typical of the ideology of a certain level of scientific consciousness in the developing world. In 1975, S. Gopal's book "Trade and Crafts of Gujarat in the XVI-XVII centuries" was published in Delhi. A study of the impact of European expansion on the pre-capitalist economy." The question is: is it possible to circumvent this topic in such a specialized work? It turns out that there is no mention of Europe's severe trade deficit with India [see Gopal, 1975] .1 But a few decades earlier, Palm Dutt, who hated British rule, wrote quite objectively about this. He notes that England could not offer India any valuable goods comparable in quality or technical standard to Indian products. "So it was necessary to spend precious metals to buy Indian goods." The next phrase is

1 See also A. M. Petrov's review of this monograph: Peoples of Asia and Africa. 1977, No. 3, pp. 219-223.

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everything finally puts in its place: "The whole difficulty of trading with the East was that Europe had very little of what the East needed... The exception was silver, which was available in large quantities and the demand for which was very high in India. Therefore, the main import item was silver" (Dutt, 1948, pp. 102-103). Similarly, the wise J. R. R. Tolkien Nehru clearly speaks about the highest competitiveness of Indian goods in comparison with English ones, and even directly on the British - domestic market, even when the industrial revolution began [Nehru, 1955, p.301].

Now, actually, about statistical capabilities. Here, too, of course, there was a desire to rely on primary sources, and not their retelling.

In subsequent articles, in order to maintain the dynamic characterization of the problem, moving quickly from century to century, I limited myself to just a few lines of T. Man's statement for the starting time - the genius of the theory and practice of the era of the formation of European-Asian trade after the opening of the route around the Cape of Good Hope. But behind those words (unlike most words on this topic) there are unique statistics. In this article, the plot development is different, and therefore I can, without stopping, decipher key points that may not seem like this to external perception, especially in my opinion, the basic texture of which has not yet been properly introduced into scientific circulation.

The Discourse was published in London in 1621.2. The author was a member of the Government's Committee on Commerce, and served on the Board of the English East India Company. Hence the excellent awareness and mastery of the material. And if we take into account that the argument was addressed to the authorities, where there was a strong opposition, and well-prepared specialists, errors or carelessness in the information provided would not have brought success and recognition of the need to conduct direct trade with the East Indies and profit from European states that do not have ties with it.

Let us begin by describing the continuing commercial relations of the West through the Levant. One of the largest commodity items - raw silk-is singled out separately. Its annual purchases at the beginning of the XVII century cost 500 thousand pounds, of which only 150 thousand were covered by counter goods, and 350 thousand (70%) were paid for in Spanish coins made of American gold and silver, a money supply minted from precious metals mined in European mines (in particular, Hungary, Germany). It was, apparently, like a specialized line of trade, and (I want to emphasize) its separate accounting is not an artificial selection made by me in order to highlight one invoice and belittle another. Of course, T. Man has information that is not very accurate for a modern economist. For example: "Marseille (elsewhere in France. - AP) sends every year to Aleppo and Alexandria at least 500 thousand pounds and very little or no goods, Venice-100 thousand pounds and goods for a considerable amount. The Netherlands - 50 thousand pounds and a few goods, Messina - 25 thousand pounds exclusively in coin." Spain, operating in the Middle East through the city-states of Italy (especially Genoa, Florence, Milan), sent only money there. The tour of Middle Eastern trade in Hungary, Poland, and Germany includes only gold and thalers.

T. Man cites the average annual consumption of Europe's main products delivered through the intermediary role of the Levant. This is 6 million rubles. pounds of pepper, 450 thousand pounds

2 I use a facsimile reproduction of the first edition [Mun, 1621], compared with the 1856 edition edited by J. McCulloch (as part of the collection of the London Club of Political Economy), in the 1954 reprint [Mun, 1954, pp. 1-47]; there is a very sloppy Russian translation made in 30-20s of the XX century [Mercantilism, 1935, pp. 111-139].

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cloves, 150 thousand pounds of nutmeg, 400 thousand pounds of nutmeg, 350 thousand pounds of indigo and 1 million pounds of raw silk. Prices for the specified goods are also given (the Aleppo market is taken). From this we have deduced the sum of 1 million 465 thousand f. st. - that is, we have before us the value of imports.

This calculation was made in order to show opponents how many times cheaper the same quantities of these goods would have cost for direct delivery from the East Indies (of course, taking into account all overhead costs, possible losses, etc.). The result (based on real Indian prices) was a value of 511.5 thousand pounds. savings of almost £ 1 million.

However, I have given these calculations not as an end in themselves, not as a repetition of the lapidary truth about the new route (through the Cape of Good Hope) that revolutionized world trade. They provide the key to quantifying the degree of passivity of the trade balance between the West and the East, and to the European ability as a commodity producer to enter the economic life of Asian societies.

T. Man agrees that precious metals should be paid everywhere: both in the Middle East and around the Cape of Good Hope. In the latter case, all other things being equal, they should be less. And here are the savings from 1 million 465 thousand pounds 953.5 thousand. it completely refers to the negative balance in relations with the Levant, which was covered by gold and silver. In any case, for lack of anything better and taking into account the specific weight of precious metals in the mentioned silk trade, we can try to take this value as the lower bound of the estimate - i.e., the commodity deficit was at least 65%. The question is: what is this ratio in direct relations with the East Indies? T. Man writes that from 1601 to 1620, the English East India Company exported goods worth 292.3 thousand pounds and "pure coin" worth 548.1 thousand pounds. In other words, we have the same proportion - slightly more than 65%. At the same time, it should be taken into account: during this period, the Company existed under strict restrictions on the export of (even foreign) money supply. T. Man complains that for the past 19 years they were allocated a quota of 720 thousand pounds (about 38 thousand a year). And then the treatise makes calculations (similar to those given above) as to how much the profits of the Kingdom would rise if it were allowed to increase the annual amount to 100 thousand pounds. st.However, it does not say that the commodity exports will also increase in proportion. Naturally, there could be no restrictions on it, but due to objective circumstances, it remained a constant. Later, when the barriers to cash export were removed, its slower growth, according to sources of subsequent periods, increased the niche of precious metals in the trade of the West with the East. Therefore, the level of 65% shown earlier is quite artificial. You should also not equate the million saved with the real balance deficit in Levantine commerce. T. Man does not say that they are the same - the millionth amount is placed in it.

The search difficulties inherent in the considered starting time, the closer to our days, gradually disappear. But paying so much attention to such a small and remote chronological period pays off handsomely. Instead of verbal fog and the corresponding attitude to it, as a dubious tradition of deep antiquity, you, working with sources from other centuries, where everything is confirmed, get an invulnerable synthetic macro-indicator of the results of contact between the West and the East, which goes far beyond the characteristics of foreign trade. For you, centuries cease to exist, shrinking into a holistic cross-cutting economic phenomenon.

A century and a half after T. Mang, statistics show that the share of precious metals in the value of European exports to Asian countries is mainly at the level of 70-80%. There are many ways to arrive at such generalizations. You can pass th-

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there are hundreds of figures scattered over dozens of books, often random or inconsistent, deviating to the extreme, constantly being in danger of" drowning " in this, to put it mildly, diversity. For example, of course, in this regard, the most reliable source - G.-T. Raynal gives the following information for 1766 on China. France imported there that year 4 million livres of silver and 400 thousand livres of cloth (i.e. commodity supply - 9.1%). In Holland, however, with the import of 2.7 million livres of silver, the value of goods was about 4.1 million. livres (60.3%), in England - 5.4 million and 5.9 million (52.2%). In the first case, such a low rate of product presence will be slightly increased by taking into account the context of the entire Franco-Eastern trade. In the second and third cases , you will immediately understand that it is necessary to sharply reduce this norm, if you first study another (adjacent to the analyzed) building of the information and research array related to international economic communication. In this situation, we are witnessing the entry into force of the factor of inter-Asian commercial relations. They were very strongly developed before the arrival of Europeans, flourished under them and independently of them, with the circulation of their own (self-sufficient) commodity mass. But there will be a separate discussion about this below. Here I will only point out the introduction of the Dutch and English as intermediaries in native foreign economic contacts, as a result of which (due to the delivery of goods from other Asian countries) the above-mentioned high level was achieved. Directly Western products (exclusively woollen fabrics) accounted for 44 thousand livres out of the mentioned more than 4 million, and 2.5 million livres out of 5.9 million in England. [Raynal, 1780, p. 262; Raynal, 1834, p. 286-287].

The method of making generalizations by collecting often disparate, often contradictory information that requires discretion, of course, could not be avoided. But the least effective approach would be to revisit the archives of the East India Companies. Despite all that science has already done, and my main task is to determine the contours of commodity rejection by one macrocivilization of another, this would be a far-fetched, unproductive action, with a touch of the well-known, delightfully naive pose of deep learning. Moreover, searches sometimes led to data that was already well-processed and grouped over long chronological periods. That's what I wanted to work with. First of all, these are the volumes of "Commercial Tariff" and "Commercial Statistics" by J. McGregor. In the fourth volume of the last of his books mentioned, there are statistics of the entire trade of Great Britain with Asia, arranged by year for the whole of the XVIII and part of the XIX century. It has already done that work, including archival work, which some researchers, considering themselves pioneers, begin again, always achieving very little. Another question is that this source, published in 1850., never came to the attention of the overwhelming majority who wrote on a topic close to the one discussed here (as I had to see personally during the collection of materials) 3.

Finally, in the economic communication between the West and the East, an era is coming when changes begin. J. McCulloch writes about the "greatest difficulties" that England faced in creating its cotton industry, trying to enter Asian markets with its products. And despite the fact, he continues, that raw materials were produced far beyond our borders, that the inhabitants of Hindustan and China were virtuosos in making high-quality and elegant products, the genius of Hargreaves, Arkwright,

3 Of course, with such a detailed-a century-long panorama of the trading patterns of the largest Western counterparty to eastern societies, I was able to avoid cluttering up the final version of the trend with a lot of less reliable or decipherable estimates (like those given from Raynal), replacing them with just a few figures. But there is a whole statistical block behind them, which repeatedly confirms exactly this order of magnitude. Although sometimes, as already mentioned, it was necessary to use very poor source data (however, this applies to filling in minor gaps).

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Crompton, Cartwright, was able to overcome the cheapness of Indian labor, the high cost associated with transporting raw materials five thousand miles away, and the excellent skill of Eastern weavers and spinners [McCulloch, 1871, p.461]. In a close aspect (as far as his ideological positions allowed him), F. reflected. Engels: "The conquest of India by the Portuguese, Dutch, and British from 1500 to 1800 was aimed at importing from India. No one thought about exporting there. And yet what a colossal reverse effect these discoveries and conquests caused by purely commercial interests had on industry: only the need to export to these countries created and developed large-scale industry " [Engels, vol. 37, p. 415].

From these points of view, everything looks like a radical change, everything happened quickly and comprehensively (in any case, there is no question about the depth of penetration into the economic life of Eastern societies). Engels (1890) suggests the gigantic scale of product introduction - at the expense of the Asian consumer, Western industry developed.

In fact, the huge economic substance of the East (which was not yet clearly realized by Europeans in terms of its size), which had a completely different logic of being, began to give only small cracks to its external, not the most important for it - the side in contact with the West. Much will be said about this in the future. After all, as has already been noted in one form or another, one of the central ideas of my research is the analysis of the origins, the analysis of the mechanism itself and the reasons why now, at the beginning of the XXI century, when the Western community is focused on finding ways and methods of globalization, most Asian countries, according to A. Ya. Elyanov, are far away from the completion of the previous stage - the process of internationalization of the economy [Elyanov, 2003, p. 4-28] 4. In short, it is a question of what is the real force of this external influence and what was actually opposed to it.

(The ending follows)

list of literature

Antonova K. A. English conquest of India in the XVIII century. Moscow: IVL, 1958.

Dutt, Palm. India Today, Moscow: Publishing House of Foreign Literature, 1948.
Kobata A. Silver in the monetary circulation of East Asia in the XVI and XVII centuries / / XIII International Congress of Historical Sciences, Moscow: Nauka, 1970.
Levkovsky A. I. Osobennosti razvitiya kapitalizma v Indii [Features of the development of capitalism in India]. Moscow: IVL, 1963.

K. Marx. British Rule in India. Engels. Essays, Vol. 9. Moscow, 1957.

K. Marx. The East India Company, its history and results of its activities Engels. Essays, Vol. 9. Moscow, 1957.

Mercantilism / Edited by I. S. Plotnikov, Sotsekgiz Publ., 1935.

Nehru J. Otkritie Indii, Moscow: Izdatelstvo inostrannoy literatury, 1955.
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