Dmitry Karanov

Evangelical Lutheran Church and the Emergence of Ethnic Identity of the Ingrian Finns in the Nineteenth Century

Dmitry Karanov - Senior Lecturer, Department of Conflicts Studies, St. Petersburg University of the Humanities and Social Sciences (Russia), karanov@inbox.ru

The article, drawing partly on unpublished archival documents, considers causes and directions of the impact of the Evangelical Lutheran Church on the formation of the Ingrian Finnish ethnic identity in the St. Petersburg province of the Russian Empire in the nineteenth century. The 1832 Charter of the Evangelical Lutheran Church in Russia became the basic legal document defining its particular goals and responsibilities before the secular authorities. One of the main ideas was to strengthen the role of Lutheranism in the life of the Finnish peasants. The church, willingly or not, created conditions for the consolidation and promotion of the Ingrian identity of the Finns. It also led to the emergence of the Ingrian intelligentsia who elaborated the meaning of Ingrian identity.

Keywords: Lutheran, Evangelical Lutheran Church, the Ingrian Finns, the Finns of St. Petersburg, the construction of ethnic identity, Ingrian identity.

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THE problem of the formation of ethnic and national groups in different historical periods requires a thorough study of both objective and subjective factors. The field of view of researchers includes individuals, groups and institutions that directly or indirectly participated in the emergence and sustainable preservation of the grounds for ethnic self-identification of the members of the community under study. The subject of research in this case is the national policy of the state, national periodicals, the school system, national educational literature (primarily history textbooks), folk festive events, "nation - creating" activities of the intelligentsia, etc.This work is devoted to the role of the church in the formation of the identity of Ingermanland Finns-the Finnish population of Lutheran parishes in St. Petersburg province.

The Ingermanland Finns as an ethnic group consisting of two subgroups or subethnoses - the Ayramoiset and Savakot-were first described by Andreas Sjogren in 1833.1 He noted the existence of a noticeable ethnic boundary between these subgroups, which was expressed in linguistic, material, cultural and psychological differences. At the same time, they differed from the Finns of Finland in their specific behavior during church services (parishioners stood during Mass, often made the sign of the cross), their linguistic originality (they spoke the so-called Ingermanland dialect of Finnish), objects of material culture (including clothing), and their understanding of their otherness.2
By the end of the 19th century, determining who belongs to Euryameiset and who belongs to Savakot became problematic. Finns did not identify with these groups, but the ethnonyms "Ingermanland Finns" (inkerinsuomalaiset) and "Ingermanlanders" (inkerilaiset) became widespread among them. This process was associated with the influence of a number of factors3, and the key one was the activity of the most important institution in the life of Finns - the Evangelical Lutheran Church, which until 1832 was located in Finland.

1. Sihvo, P. (1991) "Savakoita, ayramoisia, inkerikoita", in P. Nevalainen and H. Sihvo (eds) Inkeri: historia, kansa, kulttuuri, p. 179. Helsinki.

2. Matley, I. (1979) "The Dispersal of the Ingrian Finns", Slavic Review 38 (1): 4.

3. Karanov D. P. Cultural development of Ingermanland Finns at the turn of the XIX-XX centuries: factors of ethno-cultural growth//Izvestiya RGPU imeni A. I. Gertsena [Proceedings of the Herzen State Pedagogical University]. 2012. N153 M. S. 7.

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The Finns-Ingermanlanders (more precisely, Euryameiset and Savakot, or, more plausibly, the mass of Finnish-speaking groups living in the territory of Lutheran parishes) tended to have pagan beliefs.

The formation of the Ingermanland identity became possible only in the 19th century due to the emergence of institutions that spread the same ideas and knowledge among the Finnish population of the St. Petersburg province. This information helped to instill in the minds of Finns a belief in their own unity. For example, such knowledge includes the myth that the Ingermanland Finns descended from the Lutheran Finns who migrated from Finland in the 17th century. Their resettlement was initiated by the policy of Sweden, which received these lands after the signing of the Stolbovo Peace Treaty (1617) .4
Finno-Ugric immigrants were separated from the Finno-Ugric peoples of the Izhora land, according to Finno-Ugric scholars, by belonging to the Lutheran confession5. In the collection "Baltic-Finnish Peoples of Russia", the authors write about this as follows: "Lutheranism also entailed a certain isolation of local Finns from other peoples of the region, who were overwhelmingly Orthodox (with the exception of only a few Estonian immigrants and German colonists)"6. Thus, both Ingermanland Finns and their Finnish migrant ancestors were designated as Lutherans.

In fact, historians know very little about the social and sexual composition of Finnish immigrants, their values and religious beliefs. Were they families or groups of single individuals? Were they predominantly male? If it was mostly men who moved to Ingermanland, then they needed life partners: did they find them among the local girls or were they looking for wives in Finland? Local Finno-Ugric-

4. Musaev V. I. Political history of Ingermanland at the end of the XIX-XX centuries. Kishinev; St. Petersburg, 2001. p. 17.

5. Chistyakov A. Y. Lutheran church and formation of ethnic culture of Ingermanland Finns in the XIX-XX centuries. Series 2 "History". 2004. Vol. 3-4. P. 109; Kazmina O. E., Shlygina N. V. Evangelical Lutheran Church of Ingria and its role in the life of Finns-Ingermanlanders//Ethnographic review. 1999. N4. P. 107.

6. Baltic-Finnish peoples of Russia/Edited by E. I. Klementiev and N. V. Shlygina, Moscow: Nauka Publ., 2004, p. 514.

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The Izhora and Vod groups were known to be Orthodox, but to what extent? There is no doubt that there were marriages between immigrants and local residents, but then how were the children brought up and within the framework of what religious system of values - pagan, Orthodox or Lutheran? There are no answers to these questions yet.

A curious plot is illustrated by an article published in the fifth volume of Essays on Russia in 1842. It tells about the beliefs and customs of the Finns who lived in the St. Petersburg province. The author of the book, Vadim Passek, wrote:

About 60 years ago, on the borders of the Novgorod province in the parish of Lisino, a juniper forest grew on a hill and in the middle of it a large juniper tree. The peasants of the neighboring village fenced the hill with wattles and sacrificed to the tree the first grains of the harvest - the first milk of the mother in labor, the first milk of the calving cow, food and wine appointed for the holidays. All this was observed with great rigor until the Lutheran clergy cut down the trees.7
Then the author continues: "A similar belief existed in the Oranienbaum district, and in general the names of many villages resemble the names of local gods." 8
The above case of juniper tree worship dates back to the last quarter of the eighteenth century. The very fact of the existence of this rite indicates that the local Finnish population gravitated to archaic pre-Christian ideas. A. Y. Chistyakov comes to the same conclusion in his analysis. Referring to the historian F. O. Tumansky, he writes about "the widespread worship of holy groves and individual trees." 9
Why did the peasants not prevent the cutting down of sacred trees? Even if there was a negative reaction, it wasn't massive. Most likely, priests enjoyed an unquestionable authority in the eyes of Finnish peasants, and this was due not only to their sacred functions, but also to their non-religious nature.-

7. V. Passek Essays on Russia. Book 5. Moscow: 1842, p. 121.

8. Ibid., p. 121.

9. Chistyakov A. Y. Lutheran church and formation of ethnic culture of Ingermanland Finns in the XIX-XX centuries. p. 114.

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measurably higher level of education and social status.

This special position made pastors important actors in the local social systems of the Finns of the Saint Petersburg province. Pastors became mediators in resolving disputes and conflicts, performed the function of "last resort", and sometimes took part in punishing those who were guilty. A unique document has been found that indicates the use of physical violence against parishioners by decision (or with consent?) lutheran pastors. This is a letter from the Department of the St. Petersburg Civil Governor's Office to the Tsarskoye Selo Zemsky Court, dated February 28, 1847. It refers to the discovery of prohibited weapons of punishment in one of the parishes: "in a private case, it was discovered that the church of the Moloskovitsky Lutheran parish... there is a deck (pads. - Author's note): and from the review... it can be seen that until 1833 this tool was used in Lutheran churches by order of pastors and churchwardens ... " 10. That is, prior to Zacharias Signaeus ' reform (see below), the use of physical coercion by a pastor or village elder was a common practice.

From the text of the letter, it becomes clear that information about the use of pads reached the Minister of Internal Affairs Lev Alekseevich Perovsky, who, in turn, took it negatively and ordered to eliminate this "relic" as soon as possible (hereafter, the spelling and style features of the original documents are preserved):

The Minister of Internal Affairs means that such pads (sic!) are recognized by our laws as a kind of torture, and therefore... even in places of detention of prisoners, he suggested that the Protestant General Consistory should immediately make an order depending on it to destroy the stocks and all similar tools that might be present in the churches of its department.11
The Minister of Internal Affairs also ordered an educational conversation with pastors, explaining to them that "they are not at all

10. On the extermination of pads used by the order of pastors and elders of Lutheran churches to punish peasants/ / TsGIA. F. 34. Op. 1. D. 20. L. 1.

11. Ibid., l. 1 vol.

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they have no right to subject parishioners to corporal punishment or even arrest for any misdemeanor, because according to the existing laws, this right belongs to the civil authority alone. " 12
Although this letter does not give a clear picture of the initiator of physical violence - whether the punishment was initiated by a pastor or a rural community - it is interesting that Lutheran clergy participated in such punishments. It allows us to judge the real power of the pastor over the flock, which did not go unnoticed by the state.

The specifics of the relationship between the pastor and the flock in Lutheran communities, apparently, were known to the church authorities and the entourage of Emperor Alexander I. A number of significant reasons (the entry of Finland into the empire, the increase in the number of Lutherans, etc.), against the background of the traditional loyalty of the Romanov family to Lutherans, increased the need for reform of the Lutheran Church.

Alexander I was very interested in the problem of the situation of Protestant communities in the territory of the empire. In his letters and conversations with his contemporaries, he often expressed a desire to restore order in the Lutheran Church. In 1819, the emperor wrote to Count Karl Lieven that he wanted to create an episcopal see, and he needed a suitable person for this purpose.13 The choice fell on Bishop Zacharias Signaeus of Porvo.

Matheus was invited by the Emperor to St. Petersburg, where in 1820 he took up the position of bishop of the Evangelical Lutheran Church. The bishop assessed the functioning of the church in Ingermanland parishes as unsatisfactory and vigorously set about restoring order. It is interesting that the future academician, the founder of Finno-Ugric studies Andreas Sjogren, who first described the Ingermanland Finns, worked in the 1820s in the family of Bishop Signaeus as a home teacher.14
It was important for Bishop Z. Signaeus to subordinate the pastoral authority of the church organization and the interests of the state.-

12. TsGIA. f. 34. Op. 1. D. 20. l. 1 ob. - 2

13. Sepponen E. How a Lutheran Bishop appeared in St. Petersburg / / Slavic Lutheranism [http://skatarina.ru/library/lutvros/spbep.htm, accessed on 14.03.2015].

14. Forsius, A. "Zacharias Cygnaeus (1763 - 1830) - piispa, hallintomies ja kulttuurihenkilo" [http://www.saunalahti.fi/arnoldus/cygnaeus.html, accessed on 14.03.2015].

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cretize the functional responsibilities of the Lutheran clergy, as well as strengthen the fight against pagan remnants and sects. These and other tasks could be solved by creating a regulatory framework for the functioning of the church, which became the Charter of the Evangelical Lutheran Church.

The Charter of the Evangelical Lutheran Church in Russia was signed in 1832 by Nicholas I, after the death of Bishop Zacharias Signaeus (1830)15. In accordance with the Charter, the supreme body of the Evangelical Lutheran Church was the General Consistory 16. The church itself was divided into consistories, headed by General superintendents. The following consistories were distinguished: St. Petersburg, Moscow, Courland, Livonia, Reval, Riga, Ezel and Estonia 17. Consistorial districts, in turn, were divided into probates, headed by probsts. Ingermanland Finns lived on the territory of three counties - Shlisselburg, East Ingermanland and West Ingermanland18. At the lowest level of the church hierarchy were parishes, which were managed by pastors and their assistant kisters.

The charter included eleven chapters. The first two chapters were of a general nature: the first was devoted to the status of the Lutheran faith in Russia, and the second-to the principles of worship. The remaining nine chapters dealt with the most important issues related to the structure of the church, the management of church property, the procedure for concluding marriages of parishioners, taking into account those who were born and died, determining the conditions for election to various positions in the church hierarchy, the performance of their official duties by employees, etc. In addition, the Charter contained provisions that prescribed clergy to influence the formation of the worldview of parishioners in a certain way, giving pastors the appropriate power. If we talk about the influence of the church on the ethnic identity of Finns-Lutherans, the most interesting articles are about confirmation, about the conditions of marriage between parishioners, about visiting the church.-

15. Kurilo O. V. Essay on the history of Lutherans in Russia (XVI-XX centuries). Moscow, 1996, p. 47.

16. Charter of the Evangelical Lutheran Church in Russia; Order to the clergy and authorities of the Evangelical Lutheran Church in Russia; Decree to the Governing Senate: [Approved December 28, 1832]. St. Petersburg, 1832. p. 17 (vol.).

17. Kurilo O. V. Essay on the history of Lutherans in Russia (XVI-XX centuries). p. 47.

18. O probstskikh okrugakh i probstakh [About probst districts and probsts]. RGIA. F. 821. Op. 133. D. 827.

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rural school clergymen and their relations with the departments of the Ministry of Internal Affairs.

Articles 31, 32, 33 and 34 are devoted to the meaning and procedure of confirmation. Article 31 states that "young men and women belonging to the Evangelical Lutheran Church have the right, before receiving the Holy Mysteries, to be instructed in the Law of God and duly confirmed." 19 Confirmation in the document is understood as the procedure for recognizing young men and women as full members of society. To gain a new status, boys and girls between the ages of fifteen and eighteen had to pass the pastor's exam. The requirements are described in article 34: "Confirmed persons must at least be able to read and have a firm knowledge of the main dogmas and ordinances of their church." 20 Thus, all young men and women who reached a certain age, could read and knew the basics of the Lutheran faith, i.e. became literate Lutherans at the time of confirmation, had to pass the confirmation procedure.

Confirmation in the Charter is defined as a mandatory procedure for all young men and women of the Lutheran faith. However, a natural question arises: what happened to those who did not pass confirmation, who could not confirm their knowledge of their own religion, or did not want to do so? The answer to this question is found in chapter 4, On Marriage. Article 66 established the necessary conditions for marriage between Lutherans:

In the Evangelical Lutheran Church in Russia, no one can be betrothed and married before reaching the age of 18 by men and 16 by women. Moreover, it is observed that those who enter into marriage are already confirmed and partaken of the Holy Mysteries.21
Those who were married and confirmed, as well as those who were born and died, were registered in special journals by the pastor, who performed the work of recording changes in the social status of members of the Lutheran community. The right to marry could only be realized if you were able to read and know the os-

19. Charter of the Evangelical Lutheran Church in Russia, p. 2.

20. Charter of the Evangelical Lutheran Church in Russia, p. 2.

21. Ibid., p. 4.

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new propositions of faith. Bishop Zacharias Signaeus thus created a social need for confirmation, preventing the local population from being unwilling to undergo the procedure.: those who were not registered could not be betrothed, i.e. they could not become legal spouses.

In addition, the Charter approved the general functional responsibilities of pastors. Some of them, as mentioned earlier, were related to accounting for the population, while others were related to controlling it. Article 189 made it the responsibility of pastors to attend rural schools and monitor the religious literacy of parishioners:

Preachers should carefully attend rural schools and monitor the religious education of young people, both in these schools and in their parishes in general. Where it is or may be customary to visit parishioners in their homes to test them in the knowledge of the law of God, they are obliged to use this very useful means for the enlightenment and moral improvement of the flock entrusted to them with precision and as often as possible.22
The pastor, as a representative of the Evangelical Lutheran Church, was obliged to take an interest in the spiritual knowledge of the parishioners. If individuals were found to have a wrong understanding of certain concepts, Bible stories, and parables, the priest had to correct this by explaining to the erring ones (from the point of view of the church) the subject of their wrongness.

The above obligations gave pastors real power over the flock, making them agents of the policy of the Evangelical Lutheran Church and state. The creators of the Charter understood very well what role pastors occupied in the life of Lutheran parishes and sought to use this authority. The entry into force of the Charter made it possible to apply the authority of clergymen to solving state policy problems. One of the functions of priests was to help the secular authorities in reducing resistance to their decisions on the part of the population. Thus, article 196 stated:

Preachers, as far as their office is concerned, are under the authority of a single Spiritual authority; but when a secular office requires them to perform any Spiritual service, they are not allowed to do so.

22. Charter of the Evangelical Lutheran Church in Russia, p. 11.

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such actions as admonishing an inveterate criminal, swearing in witnesses, and so on, they are bound to do so without delay; however, without suspending public worship and correcting spiritual demands that cannot be deferred. 23
In other words, the Charter charged priests with controlling the confessional affiliation of parishioners, thus normatively confirming their symbolic power over the flock, but in response it demanded the opposite - the formation of a loyal attitude to secular power among Lutherans.

There is direct evidence of how, in practice, the State used the symbolic power of the pastor to solve specific problems. Such, for example, is the case of the resettlement of Finnish peasants from the village of Perekyulya in 1848.

After a series of unsuccessful attempts to relocate the Lutheran peasants, D. Perekyulya "...for disturbing behavior against neighbors..."24 the secular authorities appealed to Probst Pastor Johann Sundblad. "Troublesome behavior" was defined as helping runaway farmers, stealing wood from neighbors, and other illegal activities. The peasants were offered ."..relocate to other neighboring Chukhon villages of the Kobrin parish " 25. According to the resettlement plan, two families were to go to permanent residence in the village of Virkino, four families in the village of Kovshevo, two families in the village of Zaborye, one in the village of Myzy and another in the village of Valisniki 26. As for agricultural land, it was necessary to "lease it to the city of Lyarsky for land collection" 27.

However, the peasants of d. Perekyulya not only did not comply with these plans, but also provided all possible opposition to the police and local authorities. Andrey and Yakov Stepanov, the Andreev brothers, Abram and Ivan Abramov, Peter and Adam Ivanov, Ivan Petrov, and others were particularly prominent. 28 They wrote to Tsarevich Alexander (the future Alexander II) for help. In the Ministry-

23. Charter of the Evangelical Lutheran Church in Russia, p. 12.

24. On the assistance of pastors to civil authorities in resettling peasants / / TsGIA. f. 34. Op. 1. D. 21. L. 1.

25. Ibid., l. 1 vol.

26. Ibid., l. 3 vol.

27. Ibid., l. 1 vol.

28. Ibid., l. 4.

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This bold step of the Perekyulsky peasants caused great irritation in the Ministry of Internal Affairs. These peasants were ordered to "find them without fail and punish them with rods for a groundless request, with the announcement to all the peasants of that village that they should not dare to bother with such petitions." 29
Pastor Johann Sundblad was supposed to help the officials of the Ministry of Internal Affairs in resettling the peasants, influencing them with the help of his spiritual authority. The bailiff addresses him in a letter:

To bring the disobedient peasants to their senses. Perekyul to render me your assistance on a duty of a rank lying on you, through your pastoral exhortation to them from a chair during Divine service, then to go to Kobrin church and there also from a chair to explain disobedience of 50 peasants 30.

There are other documents confirming the close interaction between the church and state bodies, and by the 1890s. state control over the activities of clergymen has increased. This is confirmed by the correspondence of individual Lutheran pastors with representatives of the state. In the parish registers of outgoing documents, there are copies of letters informing bailiffs about the conduct of services outside the church. So, in one of the messages, on November 24, 1893, pastor I.-V. Alsted wrote to the bailiff of the 1st camp of the Tsarskoye Selo district: "I have the honor to inform you, Mr. Bailiff, that on December 12, 1893, we intend to perform divine services in the village of Neryasari (Konetsky) in the Lisinsky volost, and we assume that the police will not encounter any obstacles." 31
But not only the secular authorities turned to pastors for help: sometimes priests lacked their own authority. This is clearly demonstrated by the letter of Pastor Johan-Wilhelm Alsted to the bailiff of the 1st camp of the Tsarskoye Selo district, dated November 22, 1890. This document briefly describes the history of the divorce proceedings between Semyon Petrovich Kekale and his wife Ekaterina Semenovna Nyarvanen. The procedure-

29. On the assistance of pastors to civil authorities in resettling peasants / / TsGIA. F. 34. Op. 1. D. 21. or TSGIA. F. 34. Op. 1. D. 21. l. 3 vol.

30. Ibid., l. 4 vol.

31. Copies of outgoing documents on various issues and a brief historical sketch of the church / / TsGIA. f. 34. Op. 1. d. 16. L. 83 vol.

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the divorce procedure required receiving a written certificate from the divorcing persons about the pastor's unsuccessful participation in their reconciliation. In this regard, the pastor writes:: "Regarding the divorce complaint of Semyon Petrov Kekale, the St. Petersburg Evangelical Lutheran Consistory demands from me a certificate of the failure of the reconciliation experience made with both spouses..." 32. In turn, the failure of the reconciliation attempt was due to the wife's failure to attend the meeting with the pastor: "Having called both spouses to her several times, Semyon Kekale's wife did not arrive and does not submit to the local authorities either."33. Therefore, the pastor asked the bailiff to deliver both spouses to him:

In consequence of the foregoing, I have the honour to humbly request that you deliver to me next week at the same time: the peasant Semyon Petrov Kekale der. Peri Lisinskoy volost with his wife Ekaterina Semenovna Nyarvanen, who lives with her parents in the same volost, der. Pogi 34.

The Charter of Evangelical Lutheran Churches transformed the Lutheran Church into an accounting and control body of state power. Pastors, in accordance with the church law, became officials with a wide range of functional responsibilities. The pastor's competence included issues that were both domestic and ideological in nature. Concerns about the religious knowledge of parishioners, about passing all the mandatory accounting procedures, about loyalty to the civil authorities, and much more have become an integral part of spiritual service. But how does this relate to the main question of our work: why and how did the church participate in creating conditions for the formation of the Ingermanland identity?

It is logical to assume that the Lutheran clergy could not be the direct bearer of an ethnic identity or a "national idea": its task was to form a Lutheran community and Christian views. The same applies to other Christian denominations. For this povo-

32. Copies of outgoing documents on various issues and a brief historical sketch of the church/ / TsGIA. f. 34. Op. 1. d. 16. L. 49 vol.

33. Ibid., l. 49 vol.

34. Ibid., l. 49 vol.

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As the French philosopher J. Benda lamented: "The promotion of national particularism, which is so unexpected among intellectuals in general, is especially unexpected among those whom I have called primarily spiritual people: among the clergy " 35.

Nevertheless, the involvement of Lutheran clergy in the construction of the Ingermanland identity was obvious. At the same time, this participation could be involuntary, unconscious. Trying to strengthen the position of Lutheranism, the church, whether it wanted to or not, created conditions for the formation of the ethnic identity of the Ingermanland Finns. Let's look at this with a few concrete examples.

The adoption of the Charter of 1832 discussed above contributed to the formation of the church organization as an integral, multi-level system, and the growth of the number of elements and subsystems included in it. On the territory of the three Ingermanland counties, church infrastructure was created and updated, which included churches, pastorates, parochial schools and other institutions. For the normal functioning of the system, cadres were needed, and for certain positions, cadres with special education were required.

For example, teachers who knew both Russian and Finnish were required to work in parochial schools. In order to find them, it was decided to create a teacher-missionary seminary, the main task of which was to train teachers from the local peasantry. Despite all the doubts, the decision to establish the seminary was made at a meeting of pastors in 1860. 36 It was decided to make training at the seminary free, and the budget was formed at the expense of funds from the Mutual Aid Fund of Lutheran Parishes and peasant donations.

Established in 1859, the Mutual Aid Fund for Lutheran Parishes was a key monetary fund used to implement educational and cultural initiatives.37 New churches, schools, pastorates were built at its expense, pastors and cantors were paid for their work, pensions and scholarships were allocated. Over 50 years, about 200 churches, 350 schools, and more were built.-

35. Benda Zh. Treachery of intellectuals, Moscow: 2010, p. 136.

36. Musaev V. I. Political history of Ingermanland at the end of the XIX-XX centuries. p. 46.

37. Haltsonen S. Strengthening of the Ingermanland Finnish Church in the period 1800 - 1917 // Istoriya ingermanlandskikh finnov [History of the Ingermanland Finns]. St. Petersburg: Poltorak, 2010, p. 185.

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more than 100 pastors 38. Having its own monetary fund gave the church relative independence and confidence in the implementation of its plans.

The opening of the Kolpansky Seminary took place on September 4, 1863 in the village. Small Kolpany 39. For more than 50 years of its existence (1863-1919), the Kolpan Seminary has trained over 250 teachers who formed the core of the Ingermanland intelligentsia. Thanks to the existence of this educational institution, by the 1910s the school system in Ingermanland parishes was able to provide itself with teaching staff, no longer depending on Finland in this respect.

But for this study, it is not so much the quantitative indicators of the work of the Christian Seminary that are important, but its qualitative aspect. Ingermanland intellectuals trained at the seminary were concerned about the ethnic identity of their fellow tribesmen. The history of Ingermanland Finns includes the names of intellectuals who created and described the "idea of Ingermanlandism": composer Mooses Putro, who wrote the anthem Nouse, Inkeril ("Get up, Inkeri!"); teacher Abraham Tiisnekka, who became the first Ingermanland journalist; cantor Paavo Raikkenen, who published a folk calendar for Finnish peasants for many years; and others. Many of them worked as teachers and cantors, combining teaching work with church service.

According to Bishop L. Hassinen, the Kolpan Seminary "became a source of light for the Finns of Ingermanland." 40 By taking the path of "reviving the culture" of their own people (this is how they understood their own goal), the Ingermanland intellectuals contributed to the consolidation of the community under the auspices of the Lutheran faith.41 Later, socialist intellectuals who were critical of religion and the role of the church emerged from their midst, but this conflict began only in 1907, when the publication of the socialist newspaper Neva was organized. The last quarter of the 19th century is characterized by a different situation: Ingerman-

38. Ibid., p. 186.

39. Tynni, K. (ed.) (1913) Kolppanan seminaari 1863 - 1913, p. 166. Viipuri: Kaijalan kijapaino O. - Y.

40. Riekhkalainen Yu. Ingermanland Finns. History and fate. Petrozavodsk: Periodika Publ., 2009, p. 29.

41. Karanov D. P. The role of the intelligentsia in the ethno-cultural development of Ingermanland Finns and features of its formation // Intelligentsia i mir, 2014, No. 3, p. 53.

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The Land's intelligentsia, brought up in the Kolpan Seminary, tended towards the Lutheran clergy, and its representatives occupied the lowest level in the church hierarchy.

The work of the Church in primary school education deserves no less attention. Sometimes its educational initiatives sharply diverged from the interests of the state. For example, in 1864, the General Consistory took steps to exempt Lutheran children of northwestern Russia from studying Russian in parochial schools. 42 The Church was refused, of course, but this attempt demonstrates the existence of its own "corporate" interests of the Lutheran clergy.

The Church took care of the literacy of its own parishioners, ensuring the growth of the number of parochial schools in Ingermanland parishes. Since the second half of the 19th and the beginning of the 20th centuries, over 300 schools have been built at its expense.43 As noted earlier, it was the church that provided parochial and later folk schools with teachers. Unsurprisingly, the curriculum and materials used in teaching were also offered by the Evangelical Lutheran Church. As a result of this influence, the belief that the Lutheran faith is inextricably linked with "Ingermanlandism"has spread among Finns-Ingermanlanders.

The importance of the school system to the church is illustrated by the following example from the end of the 19th century. At this time, the state increased its centralization efforts. In the process of transferring parochial schools under the control of the Ministry of Public Education, as part of the Russification policy, the importance of the Evangelical Lutheran Church in the education of Lutheran Finns was minimized. However, the church tried to retain at least some of its former influence. In this situation, the most active pastors, with the help of probsts, began to develop their own spiritual educational system-a network of Sunday schools-in parallel with their education in public schools.

The first Sunday school was opened by a young pastor, Otto Rokkanen, in 1874.

42. The case of the refusal of the General Evangelical Lutheran Consistory to release church schools of the North-Western Region from teaching in Russian / / RGIA. F. 821. Op. 5. D. 402. L. 1.

43. Haltsonen S. Strengthening of the Ingermanland Finnish Church in the period 1800-1917. p. 186.

44. Mustonen, J. (1938) "Pyhakoulut Inkerissa", Suomalainen Inkeri: 30.

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cantors or, if they did not have enough time, literate peasants who expressed a desire to teach their children. At the same time, a Sunday school could have several teachers who replaced each other.

The main subject in Sunday schools was the Word of God. At church meetings, it was noted that the main goal of the school is to teach the basics of spiritual literacy to Ingermanland children. There are memories of Matti Pennio, who was born in 1897 and attended Sunday school in Lembolovo parish in the early 20th century. He writes that the children learned to read the Bible, sing hymns, and pray. When he finished it, as a diligent student, he was presented with the Holy Scriptures. He was very proud of this, as most of the other children did not get anything 45. This is how the educational process took place in other Sunday schools.

The need for Sunday schools was attributed by the clergy to the poor quality of teaching the Word of God in public schools. They outlined their position on this issue in the article Pyhakoulu ja kansakoulu ("Sunday School and Folk School"), published in 1910. In it, the editors explained to readers why Sunday schools were also needed in the existence of public schools, protecting their right to exist. They believed that the policy of appointing Russian teachers to Finnish schools negatively affects the culture of the growing Ingermanlanders and their self-awareness. In addition, the study hours allocated to the Finnish language and the Word of God were clearly not enough. The article says: "Where the teaching of religion in primary schools is satisfactory, there is no need for students to go to Sunday school." 46 Thus, Sunday schools became an alternative system of spiritual education at the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries, allowing the church to retain at least some of its former influence on the upbringing and education of children of Ingermanland Finns.

The identity-shaping influence of the Lutheran Church undoubtedly went beyond the educational system: it also targeted the adult population - for example, through the periodical press. The Lutheran clergy not only participated in the life of Finnish-language periodicals, but also created a number of educational institutions.-

45. Ponnio, M. (1979) "Muistelmia Lempaalan kouluoloista ja Pietarin opettajaseminaarista 20. vuosisadan alkuajoilta", Inkerilaisten viesti 12: 5.

46. "Pyhakoulu ja kansakoulu", Inkeri. 21. 27.05.1910.

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lo them. Moreover, representatives of the church took part in the establishment of all Finnish periodicals in St. Petersburg in the 19th century. The first newspaper, Pietarin sanomat (Petersburg News), was published in 1870. Its graduation was organized by master Johan August Hagman, who came from Vyborg, where he edited the newspaper Ilmarinen47. In addition to news items, each issue of Pietarin sanomat featured poems and short stories in literary Finnish.

I. Hagman's initiative led to the development of Finnish-language printing in St. Petersburg. A year later, in 1871, another Finnish newspaper was published - Pietarin sunnuntailehti (St. Petersburg Sunday Newspaper), founded by Probst I. H. Ekvist. It was the first religious newspaper in Finnish to be published in St. Petersburg. In 1874, the publication of Pietarin lehti (St. Petersburg newspaper) began. In 1879-1883. The newspaper Pietarin viikkosanomat (Petersburg Weekly News)was published48.

However, Inkeri, a newspaper founded in 1884, became the real vehicle for the interests of the Evangelical Lutheran Church. From its foundation until its closure in 1917, Inkeri covered many religious issues, emphasizing the Christian foundation of Ingermanland culture in its publications. At the very beginning of its history, in issue 35 of 1884, the article Uskontoja siveellisyys ("Religion and Morality") is published on the first page. The main idea of the article was expressed in the thesis: "Morality is the fruit of faith, and faith for morality is the root and foundation." 49
For more than thirty years, clerics and intellectuals published on the pages of Inkeri materials about events and subjects that, in their opinion, concerned Ingermanlanders: the history of Ingermanland, Finnish runes, news of rural life, transcripts of conferences of Ingermanland teachers, recipes of national cuisine, etc. The newspaper has become an integral component of the ethno-cultural development of Ingermanland Finns. Thanks to Inkeri, intellectuals created internal information links, uniting Ingermanland parishes into one whole.

In addition to education and mass media, the national singing festivals of Ingermanland Finns, which have been held since the end of the 19th century, deserve close attention. The first

47. Musaev V. P. Political history of Ingermanland at the end of the XIX-XX centuries. pp. 49-50.

48. Inkeri 1. 03.01.1884.

49. "Uskontoja siveellisyys", Inkeri 35. 01.05.1884.

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The festival was organized and held in 1899 in Skvoritsy 50. Until 1917, five more holidays were held. These events provided an opportunity for people from different parishes to see each other and realize their unity. They not only sang, but also communicated, exchanging information that influenced their understanding of themselves and"their own". Such collective representation was perfectly legitimate, since the Order to the clergy and authorities of the Evangelical Lutheran Church in Russia charged the clergy with promoting singing among the congregation.51
The materials of this study allow us to positively answer the question about the participation of the Evangelical Lutheran Church in creating conditions for ethnic self-identification of Ingermanland Finns, for popularizing "Ingermanlandism". In order to strengthen the position of Lutheranism, priests implemented initiatives directly related to the self-identification of individuals who were under their influence. Their activities were based on the normative and legal basis created at the beginning of the second quarter of the XIX century in the form of the Charter of the Church. The charter, which had the status of a law of the empire, established the Evangelical Lutheran Church as an organization, but most importantly, it regulated the role of pastors and imposed on them the responsibility of controlling the life and consciousness of parishioners. Pastors, conscientiously fulfilling their own duties, at the same time contributed to the formation of the Ingermanland identity.

Bibliography/References

Archived sources

Russian State Historical Archive. F. 821 Department of Spiritual Affairs of Foreign Confessions of the Ministry of Internal Affairs. Central State Historical Archive of St. Petersburg. F. 34 Evangelical Lutheran Church of St. John the Baptist. St. John in the village. Kaibalovo, Tsarskoye Selo uyezd. 1774-1918

Regulatory acts

Charter of the Evangelical Lutheran Church in Russia; Instruction to the clergy and authorities of the Evangelical Lutheran Church in Russia; Decree to the Governing Senate: [Approved December 28, 1832]. St. Petersburg, 1832.

50. Musaev V. I. Political history of Ingermanland at the end of the XIX-XX centuries. p. 50.

51. Instructions to the clergy and authorities of the Evangelical Lutheran Church in Russia, St. Petersburg, 1832, p. 54 (vol.).

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