Dmitry Uzlaner

"The Pussy Riot Case" and the Peculiarities of Russian Postsecularism

Dmitry Uzlaner - Editor-in-Chief of the Journal " State, Religion and Church in Russia and Worldwide"; Associate Professor at The Russian Presidential Academy of National Economy and Public Administration (Moscow, Russia), religion@rane.ru

This article is devoted to the analysis of the materials of the "Pussy Riot" case, which started after the scandalous punk-prayer of the musical group in the Cathedral of Christ the Savior of the Russian Orthodox Church in Moscow (Feb. 2012). These materials are used to illustrate the peculiarities of postsecular situation in Russia. Two issues are analyzed with special precision: 1) "punk-prayer" and the religious/secular boundary; 2) "punk-prayer" and postsecular hybrids. The author emphasizes that postsecular processes do not follow one single pattern and that we can't talk about postsecularism in singularity; instead we should talk about collisions between different normative models of postsecularism, each supported by it's own actors and activists. The materials of the case allow us to single out two such models: "official" (supported by state and Church powers) and "oppositional" (supported by political and Church opposition).

Keywords: desecularization, "punk-prayer", postsecular, postecular hybrids, Pussy Riot.

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From the point of view of theory, the problems of the post-secular are already well studied, including by domestic authors. 1 However, there is a clear lack of empirical studies that would operationalize this theory in relation to Russian realities. In this article, using the Pussy Riot case as an example, I intend to fill in at least some of this gap

The Pussy Riot case, at least according to the media coverage, was the main near - religious-if not socio - political-event of 2012. Let me briefly recall the essence of the matter and restore the sequence of events: On February 21, in the midst of the presidential election campaign, the musical group Pussy Riot, already known for its scandalous artistic and political actions, organizes a performance in the Moscow Cathedral of Christ the Saviour (hereinafter - XXC): the group enters the temple under the guise of ordinary visitors, then the participants take off their outer clothing, under which they hide colorful dresses, put on hats- balaclavas and begin to perform the so-called "punk prayer" called "Virgin, drive Putin away" on the solea of the temple directly opposite the Royal Gate. Security guards and bystanders take the girls out of the room, no one detains them, and they easily disappear into the crowd. Then, based on the action, a video appears online with the full text of the punk prayer service (the song was not played in its entirety in the church itself) and footage from XXC 2. The very next day after the action, the Orthodox movement "Narodny Sobor" submits an application with a demand to start criminal prosecution of the participants of the action.

As a result, on March 5, the Tagansky Court of Moscow authorized the detention of members of the punk band Nadezhda Tolokonnikova and Maria Alyokhina. On March 16, the third member of the group, Yekaterina Samutsevich, was arrested. July 30 of the same year

1. The following publications can be mentioned: a series of articles in the magazine "Continent" (A. Kyrlezhev). Postsekulyarnaya epokha [Post-secular Era]// Kontinent, 2004, No. 120; Morozov A. Has the post-secular era arrived? // Continent. 2007. N 131; Uzlaner D. In what sense can the modern world be called post-secular?//Continent. 2008. N136); Logos magazine N3 (82) for 2011 (special issue on "post-secular philosophy"); State, Religion, Church in Russia and Abroad magazine Ng for 2012 (special issue on "Religion in a post-secular context").

2. The video is available on Youtube: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=GCasuaAczKY [accessed on 05.02.2013].

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On August 17, Judge Marina Syrova announced the verdict: all three participants were sentenced to two years in a general regime penal colony for hooliganism (Part 2 of Article 213 of the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation). The verdict was appealed to the Moscow City Court in cassation, on October 10, by the decision of the Moscow City Court, the verdict of the Khamovniki Court was left unchanged for Tolokonnikova and Alyokhina, and for Samutsevich, the real term was replaced by a conditional one - she was released in the courtroom.

The materials of this case are a very interesting source for sociological, anthropological, psychological, etc. analysis of modern Russian society. In this text, I intend to limit myself to two specific stories that shed light on the specifics of the special post-secular situation that is characteristic of Russia: 1) "punk prayer" and the religious/secular border; 2)" punk prayer " and post-secular hybrids (the definition of this concept will be given in the corresponding section).

One of the key intuitions that guided me in the process of writing this text is the understanding that the post - secular situation is a situation of fundamental uncertainty, blurring, and fluidity, when well-established boundaries, constants, and definitions related to religion/secularism are suspended, called into question.3 The usual image of a socially differentiated society, in which the religious and secular are separated at different angles, begins to break down, which creates the impression that religion invades those spaces that are alien to it (be it politics, law, culture, economics, etc.). However, contrary to popular opinion, this is a characteristic suspension of borders for post-secularism and the intrusion of religion into the secular space (and vice versa - the secular into the religious space) does not follow any single logic and does not follow in line with any single possible variant of post-secularism. On the contrary, as will be shown in the Pussy Riot case, we are talking about a clash of different competing normative models of post-secularism, for each-

3. On the conventionality of the categories "religion" and "secular" I have already had to write. See: Uzlaner D. Raskoldovanie diskurs: "religious" and "secular" in the language of the New Time//Logo. 2008. N4 P. 140 - 159.

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each of them has its own activists and interest groups. In the course of our review, at least two such models will be identified - "pro-government" and "opposition". It is most interesting to observe how the secular State, through the law enforcement and judicial systems, is drawn into this conflict, which sometimes takes on the character of a (quasi -) theological dispute, and begins to deal with questions for which it has neither the appropriate skills, nor the appropriate language, nor the appropriate trained personnel.4
Since this case turned out to be very resonant, I consider it necessary to clearly indicate my position as a researcher: this article does not aim to prove the correctness of one of the parties or one of the possible images of post-secularism. The materials of this case will show what Russian post-secularism is and what conflicts it involves.

"Punk prayer" and the religious/secular border 5

As noted above, in post-secularism, the border separating the religious/sacred from the secular / profane becomes mobile, and there are constant battles over how exactly it should be drawn. 6 A clear border becomes a "frontier" on which vanguard battles of various "activists and actors of desecularization"unfold7. Moreover, the status of religion itself is becoming controversial-

4. Traditionally, it was the Church itself that dealt with such issues - it was the Church that constructed what could be recognized as "religion", in particular, sanctioning or condemning new forms of piety, certifying miracles and relics, regulating grassroots popular movements, etc. in the controlled territory, these functions are gradually transferred to the secular authorities. For more information, see Asad T. Genealogies of Religion. Baltimore and London: The John Hopkins University Press, 1993. P. 36 - 39.

5. This section is based on an earlier publication, see: Uzlaner D. "Punk-moleben" and the border of religious / secular / / Russian Journal. 11.03.2012 [http://www.russ.ru/pole/Pank-moleben-i-granica-religioznoe-svetskoe, доступ от 22.05.2013].

6. One of the first people to notice this was Richard Fenn back in 1978: Fenn R. K. Towards a Theory of Secularization. - Society for the Scientific Study of Religion, 1978.

7. Terminology of Vyacheslav Karpov, see: Karpov V. Conceptual foundations of the theory of desecularization//State, religion, and Church in Russia and abroad. 2012. N 2. P. 137.

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religious or secular - these or other phenomena, as well as who exactly has the authority to certify this status. The state has the last word in this conflict of interpretation, which has to constantly resolve emerging conflicts through the institutions of the law enforcement and judicial systems - with the involvement of experts-specialists as part of its "ideological apparatus"8, because the uncontrolled displacement of former points of support is a constant and obvious threat to it. In the new post-secular situation, the secular state finds itself embroiled in (quasi-) theological disputes. The" punk prayer "of the Pussy Riot group and the discussion that unfolded around it are a clear example of these processes. The Russian court has had to get involved willy-nilly in dealing with sufficiently specific theological issues to restore the suspended religious / secular boundary and re-establish the balance disturbed by the "punk prayer".

"Punk prayer": religious or secular action?

The first conflict of interpretations that arose in connection with the" punk prayer " is related to the question of how to properly qualify this action-as a religious (prayer, foolishness, Maslenitsa foolishness) or secular (blasphemy, hooliganism, artistic act, political and civil protest) action. Positions differ: whether this is a real, albeit radical and unconventional prayer service; whether it is deliberate blasphemy and hooliganism; whether it is an artistic act beyond the bounds of what is permissible; whether it is a civil and political protest. At the same time, it is not surprising that the specific qualification of this action is determined by the interests of the disputing parties, each of which is interested in its own version of drawing the line between religious and secular.

Members of the Pussy Riot group. Apparently, the band members themselves didn't have a complete understanding of how to properly describe what they did. So, in a kind of press release dedicated to this action, there is an indication that it was a religious action:

8. More details about the "ideological apparatus of the state" will be discussed in the final part of the article.

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"Since peaceful demonstrations by hundreds of thousands of people do not produce immediate results, we will ask the Virgin to drive Putin out as soon as possible before Easter," Seraphim, the most devout punk feminist, told the rest of the team as we headed to Church 9 in the early February frost.

But in one of the first interviews following the action, there is an indication that it was more of an artistic action - that is, something secular-covered with external Orthodox attributes:

Reporter: Well, if you address the Mother of God, then do you position yourself as a believer?

Cat: Well, some of us are believers, but I would not call them "Orthodox", of course. This appeal is more of a game, an artistic move.

Schumacher: Yes, the subversion is peculiar 10.

Here, of course, it is the word "rather" that is fundamental and emphasizes the ambiguity of the action. The final qualification of a "punk prayer" as a religious or secular action is hindered by the initial uncertainty of the participants ' position.

But in the end, before the start of active investigative proceedings, it was the position insisting on the religious nature of the "punk prayer"that won out. Here is an excerpt from the group's statement published on its blog on March 4, that is, actually at the time of the arrest:

In all our speeches, we constantly emphasize that the punk prayer "Bogoroditsa, Banish Putin" was precisely a prayer service, a radical prayer service addressed to the Mother of God with a request to reason with the earthly authorities and the church authorities who are following her lead. Among us, among the two dozen members of Pussy Riot, there are many Orthodox Christians for whom the church is a place of deep prayer. Yes, our prayer has crossed the threshold of what for many is acceptable.-

9. Today at noon, Pussy Riot activists served a punk prayer "Bogoroditsa, Banish Putin" in the Cathedral of Christ the Saviour / / LJ of the Pussy Riot Group. 21.02.2012. http://pussy-riot.livejournal.com/12442.html [accessed on 30.03.2013].

10. Bunt pipisek VS ROC / / Roman Dobrokhotov's blog. 22.02.2012. http://dobrokhotov.livejournal.com/568315-html [accessed on 30.03.2013].

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mo in the temple. But we did not desecrate the church, we did not blaspheme, we prayed - and many priests have no doubt that "Virgin Mary, send Putin away" is a prayer service. We fervently prayed to the Mother of God that she would give us all the strength to fight against our merciless and evil masters. And we will sing songs and pray for those who wish us death and prison. Because Christ teaches us not to desire prison and death for those we cannot understand 11.

What is the reason for such an unambiguous emphasis on the religious aspect of the "punk prayer" in contrast to the original more ambiguous position, which emphasized the artistic subversive component? Perhaps this interpretation was suggested by lawyers, since it allows us to expect the most minimal punishment or full exemption from prosecution on the basis of the constitutional right to freedom of religion (Article 28 of the Constitution of the Russian Federation). But another interpretation is also possible: the "punk prayer" finds its maximum radicality precisely by being recognized as a prayer service, and not as an artistic and political action (bright, but quite opportunistic, from the point of view of world artistic processes). The prayer service "Virgin Mary, send Putin away", understood precisely as a prayer service, turns out to be a bold appropriation of Christian contents and meanings and directing them in a different direction than that in which they are directed by speakers speaking on behalf of the Russian Orthodox Church. For the purposes of this article, the following is essential in these considerations:: "punk prayer " highlights the" pro-government "model of post-secularism, which implies close interaction between church and secular authorities with a kind of " exchange of gifts "(moral support in the situation of the growing protest movement 12 - in exchange for political patronage), and contrasts it with the "opposition" model - "The Most Holy Theotokos and Ever-Virgin Mary" at the head of marches protest and civil resistance. "Punk prayer" as a prayer service is a challenge to the authority of the Patriarchate,

11. Pussy Riot's cry about saving captured women / / LJ of the Pussy Riot Group. 04 - 03 - 2012. http://pussy-riot.livejournal.com/15189.html [accessed on 11.03.2012].

12. The Pussy Riot rally took place at a time of rising civil protest; according to the members of the group, it was caused by disapproval of the support that the patriarch gave to Vladimir Putin shortly before the rally (in early February 2012) at the time of his election for a third presidential term.

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challenging its monopoly on the Russian Orthodox heritage and determining the conditions for its contact with the secular reality of socio-political life. Awareness of this point is present in the position of the participants of the punk band throughout the case, but over time-apparently a consequence of the international campaign in support of the group - it is increasingly inferior in the rhetoric of activists to the alternative interpretation of the "punk prayer" as an artistic and political action.13
Church authorities. Apparently, the radical challenge of the "punk prayer" was clearly considered by the official representatives of the church, so they initially and fundamentally refused to see in the "punk prayer" at least something related to meaningful religious action. "Blasphemy at the Tsar's Gate "14 was the title of a post published in the Orthodox Politics blog by Fr Vsevolod Chaplin, Chairman of the Synodal Department for Church - Society Relations, immediately after the Pussy Riot campaign became known. Vladimir Legoyda, chairman of the Synodal Information Department, echoed him:"This is a blasphemous and vile act." 15 In this interpretation, we are faced with a clearly secular action, which is an unauthorized intrusion of the profane - art, politics, ideology - into a sacred space alien to it and committing blasphemous and hooligan actions there.

Insisting on the secular nature of the "punk prayer", Church officials demanded that it be handled exclusively by secular authorities. According to Vsevolod Chaplin, "the crime committed (and I am sure that this is a crime) should be exposed and convicted at the level of a judicial decision." 16 At the same time, we can see a desire to distance ourselves from this trial in principle. As Vladimir Legoyda pointed out: "The Church does not have the right to directly interfere in Dey-

13. It is interesting that the record that positions the "punk prayer" as a religious action has disappeared from the band's official blog and is currently unavailable.

Chaplin V. 14. Blasphemy at the Tsar's Gate. Vsevolod Chaplin. 22.02.2012. http://pravoslav-pol.livejournal.com/8714.html [accessed on 30.03.2013].

15. Vladimir Legoyda: the reaction to the "Pussy Riot" prank is a test for the maturity of civil society // Православие и мир. 07.03.2012. http://www.pravmir.ru/vladimir-legojda-reakciya-na-vyxodku-pussy-riot-eto-test-na-zrelost-g razhdanskogo-obshhestva/[доступ от 30.03.2013].

16. Punk feminists: can't you execute them and pardon them?//Orthodoxy and the world. 05.03.2012. http://www.pravmir.ru/pank-feministki-kaznit-nelzya-pomilovat-mneniya/[accessed on 30.03.2013].

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the effectiveness of law enforcement agencies that conduct serious, conscientious work in this case"17. In this case, we are dealing with a fundamental refusal to analyze what is happening in theological language, to translate it into the plane of religious meanings, to see in it echoes of some problems existing in modern Orthodoxy. Perhaps this is why many Orthodox speakers reacted so sharply to Fr. Andrey Kuraev, who tried to place the "punk prayer" precisely in a religious context, to see it as a religious action that does not contradict the traditions of Orthodoxy, although the participants of the" punk prayer " did not realize this 19.

The interpretation of the" punk prayer " as a secular action revealed the desire of the church authorities to preserve their monopoly right-within the controlled space of Russian Orthodoxy - to distinguish between religious and secular and to authorize or prohibit any non-traditional religious forms that arise in this space. A "punk prayer" as a prayer service is an unauthorized attempt to redraw the line separating the religious and the secular; for this reason, it can never be recognized as a prayer service-it can only be an unmistakable blasphemy and hooliganism. The image of post-secularism proposed by the "punk prayer" should be strongly rejected.

"Schismatics". Given the above, it is not surprising that the so-called "schismatics", that is, those Christians who are in opposition, and not only to the Russian Orthodox Church, but also to the existing political regime, were inclined to place a strong emphasis on the religious nature of the "punk prayer".

So, according to Yakov Krotov, a priest of the Kharkiv-Poltava diocese of the Ukrainian Autocephalous Orthodox Church, which is not recognized by the Russian Orthodox Church,

this particular action is not a sacrilege from the point of view of the Byzantine church canons. In sacrilege, the main root is "thief", that is, theft of church property. In this case,

17. Vladimir Legoyda: the reaction to the "Pussy Riot" prank is a test for the maturity of civil society.

Kuraev A. 18. Beznadega.<url> / / LJ of Andrey Kuraev. 23.02.2012. http://diak-kuraev.livejournal.com/286877.html [accessed on 30.03.2013].

19. Kuraev A. Maslenitsa v Khrame Khrista Spasitelya [Maslenitsa in the Cathedral of Christ the Savior]. 21.02.2012. http://diak-kuraev.livejournal.com/285875-html [accessed on 30.03.2013].

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no theft was committed. Moreover, if one kept strictly to the formal point of view, there wasn't even any blasphemy. That is, it is really a formal prayer in the temple. The ways and forms of this prayer are unconventional for central Russia, but formally it is prayer 20.

He is echoed by Vladimir Golyshev, author of the satirical play "Ski-neg", dedicated to the figure of the current patriarch:

1. the girls came to pray - to the house of prayer;

2. they prayed in the form that they considered most appropriate for our time and place;

3. In the liturgical practice of the Russian Orthodox Church parishes today, there is so much wild non-statutory otsebyatina-vulgar, tasteless, and often openly blasphemous-that it is simply ridiculous to talk about the violation of some "rules" by girls from Pussy Riot 21.

Such an interpretation claims to redefine the boundaries of the religious and the secular in a different way than the church authorities do. The "punk prayer" is a religious protest not only against Putin, but also against the church itself, many practices of which, in accordance with these newly drawn boundaries, are outside the sacred, in contrast to the scandalous "punk prayer". In this interpretation, the "punk prayer", I repeat, turns out to be a symbol of a different, "oppositional" version of post-secularism, different from the "pro-government" version.

The public. The "punk prayer service" has given rise to a wide variety of interpretations in society as to how exactly it should be qualified. For example, Yuri Samodurov, a human rights activist and former director of the Sakharov Museum and Public Center, emphasized the secular artistic and political nature of the punk prayer service:

20. Priest Yakov Krotov-about the punk band Pussy Riot / / Radio Liberty. 07.03.2012. http://www.svoboda.org/content/article/24508098.html [accessed on 30.03.2013].

21. Golyshev V. Liniya zashchity dlya Pussy Riot [Line of Defense for Pussy Riot]. 04.03.2013 http://golishev.livejournal.com/1918458.html [accessed on 30.03.2013].

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..for a moral, political and legal assessment of this religious blasphemy, society, including religious citizens, the leadership of the Russian Orthodox Church and law enforcement agencies must take into account that the meaning and purpose of this action is absolutely NOT ANTI-God, NON-RELIGIOUS, it is purely secular and, of course, POLITICAL action.

For how else is it possible to faithfully and adequately interpret the words sung by the girls, with a beautiful chant and repeated many times, like real prayers: "Virgin Mary, deliver us from Putin"!? 22

The interpretation of the "punk prayer" as a secular action was supported by opposition politician Alexey Navalny, who described the action in the following words:"fools who committed minor hooliganism for the sake of publicity" 23.

Such an interpretation of the "punk prayer" is quite logical for the opposition, which, on the one hand, does not want to quarrel with Orthodox believers, who make up an important part of the electorate, and therefore does not look for religious meaning in the action, and on the other, seeks to see everything as a political background and civil protest, which has to take increasingly exalted measures. forms.

However, not everyone agreed with this secular interpretation. So, the curator and art critic Andrey Yerofeyev, who together with Yuri Samodurov was involved in a criminal case on the exhibition "Forbidden Art", does not agree with the interpretation of Samodurov:

"It seems to me that in this case we are not talking about an action of contemporary art, but about an action of believing youth," he said, adding that the action was an expression of protest against the fact that the head of the church, without consulting with the flock, supports one of the candidates for the presidential election.

Samodurov Yu. Open 22. letter in defense of girls from the Pussy Riot group / / <url>. 29-02.2012. http://grani.ru/blogs/free/entries/196019.html [accessed on 30.03.2013].

Navalny A. 23. Pro pussy districts / / LJ Alexey Navalny. 07.03.2012. http://navalny.livejournal.com/690551.html [accessed on 30.03.2013].

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"These young believers come to the Cathedral of Christ the Saviour, to the patriarch's house, and perform a moleben - that's what Pussy Riot called their musical appeal to the Virgin. This is a non-canonical form of prayer - a prayer service in a punk form. " 24
Thus, the "punk prayer" found itself at the crossroads of different interpretations, each of which had its own version of the correct location of the religious/secular border and its own normative image of post-secular Russia.

Cathedral of Christ the Saviour: religious or secular space

The second conflict of interpretations was related to the very location of the "punk prayer": is the Cathedral of Christ the Saviour a secular/profane or religious / sacred space? Again, one or another answer to this question was derived from different normative images of post-secularism, defended by different parties.

Unlike the official representatives of the church, who interpret the "punk prayer" as a secular / profane action - hooliganism and blasphemy-committed in a religious context./the participants of the action took exactly the opposite position: they performed a religious action-a prayer service - in a place that is profane.

Here is the group's official statement:

We believe that this is not a temple, but a disgrace. The shame of Christ the Saviour. And this is not the house of the Lord, but the office of the Russian Orthodox Church. We have officially come to the ROC office to express our thoughts. XXC is not like a place of spiritual life, but like a business center: banquet halls rented out for large sums, dry cleaning, laundry, and a secure parking lot for vehicles. The website of the XXC states that " The Hall of Church Councils is a multifunctional hall... The Hall of Church Cathedrals hosts concerts of church choirs, folk groups, symphonic music, solemn acts and other events"; the hall is equipped with a snow generator (gts), a heavy smoke generator

Karev I., Krizhevsky A. 24. Punk by prior agreement / / Gazeta.<url> 06.03.2012. http://www.gazeta.ru/culture/2012/03/06/a_4029145.shtml [accessed on 30.03.2013].

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(g pcs.) and a soap bubble generator. As you can see, everything was prepared for our punk prayer service. We presented our church choir, as well as a solemn punk act-prayer service, using the mixing console of ROC LLC from the company " MIDAS HERITAGE 2000 "(64 channels), which is also listed in the list of church equipment on page XXC 25.

The already mentioned Yakov Krotov agrees with the inclusion of the Cathedral of Christ the Saviour in the secular space:

A church was chosen that does not belong to the church, but is the property of the Moscow City Hall. It has been repeatedly said that topless fashion shows are held in the same room, girls show diamonds. And then they answered: and this is not the patriarchate, this is the property of the Moscow City Hall 26.

The logic of such an exclusion of the XXC from the religious space in the rhetoric of these figures is quite clear: it is a criticism of the current policy of the church and the version of post-secularism that it defends. XXC is chosen as a target as the main symbol of this policy.

As in the case of the "punk prayer" status, we find ourselves once again in the midst of a multidimensional conflict of interpretations, when different parties try to draw the religious/secular line in their own way.

Who are believers?

The third and final conflict of interpretation that I am considering concerns the fundamental question of who "believers" are. After all, they are the victims of the "punk prayer", it is in their name that all legal proceedings are conducted, it is for hatred of them that the band members were sent to prison. But who can be recognized as a believer? Who can be recognized as a legitimate representative of the social group "Orthodox Believers-

25. Take out first the log from your eye and then you will see/ / LJ Group "Pussy Riot". 23.02.2012. http://pussy-riot.livejournal.com/12658.html [accessed on 30.03.2013].

26. Priest Yakov Krotov-about the punk band Pussy Riot / / Radio Liberty. 07.03.2012. http://www.svoboda.org/content/article/24508098.html [accessed on 30.03.2013].

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who was / was not offended by their religious feelings and who was/was not motivated by hatred of the participants of the "punk prayer"? Here again, serious disagreements arise.

For example, journalist Maksim Shevchenko, who considers himself Orthodox, motivates his indignation by retelling Samuel Huntington's absolutely secular ideas about the " clash of civilizations." From his point of view, the "punk prayer" is

invasion of the advanced detachments of liberal-Western civilization into the space of inner life of millions of Russians, Ukrainians, Belarusians, Georgians, and Armenians 27.

But there were also more radical opinions voiced by people who identify with Orthodoxy: "It was necessary to drag the b*d*sch out of the temple by the hair and put all the scum on a stake so that they would not dare to mock the Russian Orthodox faith"; " ... do not be offended if next time you break your legs. Christians get tired of being weak"; "If I were the temple servants, I would strip them down to their underwear, roll them in honey and down, shave their heads and drive them out in the cold under the TV cameras gathered by that time"; "for desecrating the temple - burn them... PUBLICLY!., these are creatures..."; "You should be hanged for this. I wonder if they'll die tomorrow or suffer first?"28.

To what extent is such a reaction typical for a Christian believer? How can the court make sure that the claim is filed by a believer, and not by a highly ideologized person driven by emotions and thinking in line with Huntington's ideas?

Here is another reaction from a somewhat different type of believer (Fr. Igor Gagarin):

Christians have something that no one else in the world has. There are words that many people don't understand, and we don't just understand, but, I think, are extremely expensive. "But I say to you, Love your enemies, bless those who curse you, do good to those who hate you

Shevchenko M. 27. Voina bl*d*y [The war of bl * d * y]. LJ Maxima Shevchenko. 21.02.2012. http://shevchenko-ml.livejournal.com/5544-html [accessed on 30.03.2013].

28. For a selection of similar statements, see: Blasphemers who blasphemed Putin and Gundyaev are caught / / LJ community "March of dissenters". 03.03.2012. http://namarsh-ru.livejournal.com/6606803.html [accessed on 10.04.2013].

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and pray for those who offend you and persecute you... "(Mt 5: 40) It seems to me that these words are the very essence of what distinguishes us Christians from all other people. That it is not necessary to take revenge, said many. Even as far as I know, Islam says that revenge is good, but forgiveness is better. Forgive-yes! Don't take revenge - yes. But TO LOVE! Humanity has never heard this from anyone but Jesus Christ. And how un-Christian then sounds the proposal to punish these lost ones.

I read in many blogs this: "What would they do with these hooligans if they came to the mosque!" So it is not necessary that we have it like in a mosque! Let the Muslims deal with the desecrators of their mosques in a Muslim way, but we will be Christian. How Christian is it? "If your enemy is hungry, feed him; if he is thirsty, give him a drink" (Rom. 12: 20). And then we read something else right next to it: "Do not be overcome by evil, but overcome evil with good" (Rom.12:20). What could be more beautiful and sublime! And how bitter it will be if we actually give up on it. By responding to evil with good, we do not surrender to evil, but overcome it with the only true victory. If we respond to evil with evil, who will be the winner? The one who pushed these unintelligent people. Let's really go along with it!

Human justice demands that the evil one be punished. We want something else, more. We want the evil one to become the good one. How much higher is the second than the first! It may seem utopian, completely impossible. But, thank God, this happens from time to time. And not so infrequently. Aren't there enough examples!29

Following this logic, the members of the Pussy Riot group, as well as their lawyers, did not want to recognize the victims of the "punk prayer" as believers who have the right to complain about their offended religious feelings.

The impossibility of considering the victims as believers is clearly indicated by the repeatedly quoted Fr. Yakov Krotov:

29. Punk feminists: can't you execute them and pardon them? // Orthodoxy and the world. 05.03.2012. http://www.pravmir.ru/pank-feministki-kaznit-nelzya-pomilovat-mneniya/ [accessed on 30.03.2013].

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Reporter: Can they publicly demand punishment?

Yakov Krotov: No! They cannot even do this in their hearts if they believe that the Lord Jesus Christ is the Savior. If they don't believe this, then of course the reaction can be the most cannibalistic and tooth-crushing. But if a person has at least some real experience of meeting with Christ, with the kingdom of heaven in this world, he understands that the desire for revenge, to punish - Satanic 30.

As we can see, the religious/secular boundary is also being challenged at the level of victims: are the persecutors of the "punk prayer" really true believers, or are they pseudo-believers, and real Orthodox Christians cannot even afford to demand punishment in their hearts? Here we come again to the (near -) theological problem that the secular court had to solve.

Thus, the "punk prayer" suspended the boundary between the religious/sacred and the secular/profane. He made - at least in the sum of the public reactions that followed-something that had previously seemed quite definite and immobile: prayer, the temple, and the faithful.

Investigators and judges as theologians

The paradox of the situation is that in the Pussy Riot case, we are not just faced with an eternal dispute about eternal problems - who are Christians, what is a temple, what can be recognized as a real prayer, etc.; we are faced with an eternal dispute, which, paradoxically, should receive a specific short-term solution, in particular: otherwise, public peace will not be restored. The State, as a sovereign arbiter, must resolve this dispute unequivocally, putting the disputed religious/secular boundaries in place and separating the conflicting parties in different corners. To do this, both the court and the investigation will have to agree with one of the possible interpretations, thereby recognizing its truth in this particular historical situation.

Let's see how all three issues mentioned above were resolved during the trial: what was the Pussy Riot action, what is it?

30. Priest Yakov Krotov-about the punk band Pussy Riot.

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Temple space and who are the "believers"? The prosecution unequivocally interpreted the "punk prayer" as a secular action, the essence of which is banal hooliganism, and committed on the grounds of religious hatred for the social group Orthodox Christians (Part 2 of Article 213 of the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation). What the group members called a "radical prayer service addressed to the Mother of God" was interpreted by the prosecution as " committing a gross violation of public order, expressing obvious disrespect for society on the grounds of religious hatred and enmity and on the grounds of hatred against any social group, in the form of carrying out provocative and offensive actions in a religious building." attracting the attention of a wide circle of religious citizens " 31.

In the prosecution's interpretation, the" punk prayer "was reduced to" provocative and offensive actions." Any content of the actions was denied, the only recognized motive was that of "religious hatred and hostility": the girls, " vulgarly, defiantly, cynically moving around the solea and pulpit, where visitors are strictly forbidden to enter, shouted out abusive phrases and words insulting for about 1 minute on the grounds of religious hatred and hostility." they also jumped and lifted their legs, imitating dancing and striking imaginary opponents with their fists."32
The prosecution's position was based on the third expert examination prepared by a team of experts after the previous two did not find anything objectionable in the "punk prayer". This team was accused by the defense of being clearly biased. 33 The text of the expert examination is particularly interesting because it explicitly prescribes the qualification of "punk prayer" in terms of the sacred/profane. The idea of the action is reduced by experts to "a method of combining the sacred and profane-lowly "34." Punk prayer " is interpreted as a profane phenomenon that has grossly invaded the sacred space:

31. Indictment in the Pussy Riot case (2012) / / Wikiteca [http://ru.wikisource.org, accessed from 16.02.2013].

32. Ibid.

33. We will discuss this in the final section of this article.

34. Conclusion of the Commission of Experts (on criminal case No. 177 070) (2012), p. 10. [http://mark-feygin.livejournal.com/89127.html, accessed from 16.02.2013].

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The sacred space here was a religious building (Orthodox church), its interior with appropriate religious decoration, objects of religious veneration of Orthodox believers located in it, including one of the religious shrines that are religiously revered by all Christians - a particle of the Lord's Robe.

Here the action itself as a whole and its individual elements (false invectives in the song addressed to the clergy and the values of Orthodoxy, the use of obscene and abusive language, shouts, gestures of the participants of the action, etc.) are profane and base. 35
During the investigation, any interpretation of the "punk prayer" as an original, but still religious action, including bowing, making the sign of the cross, singing psalms, was rejected in principle. At best, they were interpreted by witnesses admitted to the trial as deliberate mockery and parody of religious behaviors. Thus, in particular, according to the interpretation of the clergyman of the XXC Mikhail Ryazantsev, the actions performed by the girls resemble "the activities of the organization "Union of Atheists", which operated in the 1920s-1930s, which in a clownish form parodied sacred actions performed by the Russian Orthodox Church, such as a religious procession, public prayers, etc. " 36 other witnesses who described the "punk prayer" as either a deliberate mockery of Orthodoxy or a form of"devilry"37.

In its verdict, the court fully agreed with the prosecution's position, qualifying the "punk prayer" as hooliganism, that is, a secular action completely devoid of any meaningful moments; in the "punk prayer", according to the court's logic, there was nothing but hatred for the social group "Orthodox Christians"38.

35. Conclusion of the Commission of Experts (on criminal case No. 177 070) (2012), p. 10.

36. Indictment in the Pussy Riot case (2012).

37. For example, the testimony of witness L. A. Sokologorskaya.

38. The verdict in the Pussy Riot case (2012) [http://ru.wikisource.org, accessed from 16.02.2013].

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However, it is worth noting that the position of the Pussy Riot members themselves, as we mentioned above, was somewhat transformed: at the trial, they were already inclined to interpret the "punk prayer" as a secular phenomenon. They stressed that this was an artistic and political action aimed at opposing the merging of the political and ecclesiastical elite.39 Echoes of the previous position, according to which the "punk prayer" was recognized as a prayer service, only occasionally slipped through the words of both the accused and their lawyers. In particular, lawyer Violetta Volkova noted during the hearing: "The court is trying to move away from politics into the criminal sphere, but girls are not judged for bright dresses and the wrong sign of the cross - they are judged for prayer, and this prayer is political." 40 One of the accused, Nadezhda Tolokonnikova, during the interrogation referred to the words of Fr. Yakov Krotov, which we cited above: "This is not blasphemy, it is clear if you just read the text. Priest Yakov Krotov spoke about our prayer service. He said that the form of prayer is unconventional for the middle lane, but formally it is a prayer. " 41
An attempt to fit the "punk prayer" into a religious context during the trial was made only to prove that Pussy Riot's actions did not violate any Orthodox canons. Violetta Volkova: "The claim that the girls parodied Orthodox rites, experts explain "unnecessary movements". What "extra movements", do not specify. The girls covered themselves with the traditional three-finger cross and bowed to the ground. And in none of the 8 church councils that I already know almost by heart, there is no prohibition to cross yourself with your back to the altar. You can pray with your back to the altar, you can pray!"42 In this way, the lawyer tried to prove that the "punk prayer" can be formally recognized as a prayer service, and not a violation is not recorded-

39. For the intersection of religious and political spheres as a problematic "post-secular hybrid", see the article below.

Kostyuchenko E. 40. Seventh day of the Pussy Riot case hearings / / Novaya Gazeta. 07.08.2012. [http://www.novayagazeta.ru/news/58806.html, доступ от 16.02.2013].

Kostyuchenko E. 41. The Pussy Riot case: the sixth day is over, the parties are preparing for the debate//Novaya Gazeta, vol. 08. 2012. http://www.novayagazeta.ru/news/58788.htm] [accessed from 16.02.2013].

The Pussy Riot case: the sixth day is over, the parties are preparing for the debate.

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written rules of conduct in the temple. In addition, the response of one of the accused, Yekaterina Samutsevich, to the prosecutor's question: "Is dancing, singing in the church, shouting slogans like 'Holy Shit' acceptable?" She replied: "Should I give you a lecture about the traditions of buffoonery? Skomoroshestvo was in the church and still exists today. It is permissible. " 43
What is the reason for such a revision of the position of the members of the punk band? Why did they abandon the religious interpretation of their own actions in favor of a more understandable interpretation of the "punk prayer" as an artistic and political action? It is probably impossible to answer this question unequivocally, but perhaps this transformation is connected with the reactions of the world community to the Pussy Riot case. In the West, the Pussy Riot case was interpreted primarily in the logic of restricting political freedoms and depriving the artist of the right to express himself.44 It is possible that this predetermined the final position of the participants of the "punk prayer".

In the conflict over the location of the "punk prayer", the defense continued to emphasize that the XXC is a profane space from the point of view of law. Violetta Volkova drew attention to the fact that "the church building belongs to the XXC Foundation. The foundation's charter does not include religious activities. In other words, illegal religious rites take place in the XXS. The upper temple is an imitation of a religious building, just as there is an imitation of a person. There are hands, there are legs, but there is no spirit ... " 45. However, the court rejected the interpretation of the defense and preferred to stand in solidarity with the more familiar reading:

Arguments of the defense that the actions of the defendants cannot be considered as having occurred in the Church, since the Cathedral of Christ the Savior is not a temple and it has never been transferred to the Russian Orthodox Church and is only used by the foundation of the Cathedral of Christ the Savior, and the conduct of church rites is not statutory

Kostyuchenko E. 43. The fourth day of the Pussy Riot case hearing in the Khamovniki District Court of the capital. Navalny and Ulitskaya will not be questioned// Novaya Gazeta. 02.08.2012. [http://www.novayagazeta.ru/news/58736.html, accessed from 16.02.2013].

44. See, for example, the position of the human rights movement Human Rights Watch: Russia: Free Pussy Riot Members / / Human Rights Watch. 01.03.2013. http://www.hrw.org/news/2013/02/28/russia-free-pussy-riot-members [accessed on 30.03.2013].

Kostyuchenko E. 45. The seventh day of the Pussy Riot trial.

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the court declares the activities of the Foundation of the Cathedral of Christ the Saviour, the Cathedral of Christ the Saviour is an imitation of a religious building, insolvent.

The building of the Cathedral of Christ the Saviour in its external features fully corresponds to Orthodox churches, has domes topped with crosses. The interior of the Cathedral of Christ the Saviour also complies with Orthodox canons. There are walls, an altar, an iconostasis, a solea, a pulpit, and other rooms. The walls of the Church are painted in accordance with Orthodox traditions. The Orthodox Church recognizes this room as a church and conducts religious events (rituals) in it in accordance with its statutory goals.

The building of the Cathedral of Christ the Saviour complex belongs to the city of Moscow. Operational management of the complex is carried out by the foundation of the Cathedral of Christ the Saviour.

The Cathedral of Christ the Saviour has been transferred to the Russian Orthodox Church for unlimited gratuitous use.

From the ecclesiastical and administrative point of view, the Church has the status of a metochion of the Patriarch of Moscow and All Russia.The body of the Russian Orthodox Church, the Council of Bishops, performed a religious rite - the great consecration, which gave the Cathedral of Christ the Saviour the status of a Temple according to church canons.

Availability in the building at gor. Moscow, Volkhonka St., 15, along with the premises used for performing church rites, other premises such as the meeting hall of the Holy Synod, the Refectory and even the parking lot, does not detract from the purpose of this structure as a Temple in the eyes of believers.

To assess the status of this building in connection with the criminal case under consideration, it is also essential that the defendants went to it precisely as to a Church, having the desire to perform the above-mentioned actions in it as in the Cathedral of the Russian Orthodox Church, which they did not hide.46
46. The verdict in the Pussy Riot case.

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Thus, another (near-) theological dispute, in particular, the dispute over what can be considered a temple, received a court decision.

Finally, the last question that interests us - the question of who can be recognized as a believer and how to define the social group "Orthodox Christians" - was also decided by the court, and quite curiously.

How did the court, and before that the investigation, single out the social group "Orthodox Christians", for which a "punk prayer" was held on the grounds of hatred? How did the investigation and then the court select people who could be recognized as legitimate representatives of the entire offended "social group"? The easiest way to do this is to use the obvious formal criteria: self-identification, the fact of baptism, knowledge of the Creed, prayer, and attendance at worship. If you look superficially, the investigation went exactly along this path; at least, the testimony of almost every witness is preceded by the story that "he is Orthodox, was baptized in childhood, considers himself a believer"47. However, if you dig a little deeper, it becomes clear that these criteria played only a secondary role. The fact is that many defense witnesses who met these criteria were not recognized as representatives of the desired social group and, accordingly, were deprived of the opportunity to give evidence at the trial.48
If we rely on the materials of the court, it turns out that "Orthodox Christians" were constructed in the course of the process through the attitude of a person to the "punk prayer". This was the crucial criterion for getting into this group. As a result, it is not the social group "Orthodox Christians" that logically preceded the "punk prayer" and was offended by this prayer, but, on the contrary, it arises in the course of investigative actions and judicial proceedings precisely through a negative attitude towards the "punk prayer". This social group was constructed by

47. For example, the victim N. V. Vinogradov, deputy Chief power engineer of the Church.

48. For example, Alexey Navalny, a politician and Orthodox Christian, was never allowed as a witness by the defense (See the trial of Pussy Riot: defense witnesses are not allowed in the building, a policeman has an epileptic seizure / / Gazeta.<url> 03.08.2012. http://www.gazeta.ru/social/news/2012/08/03 /p_2457017. shtml [accessed 10.04.2012]).

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by the court through the feeling of humiliation and insult that was inflicted by the "punk prayer", and the desire to punish the offenders. Only those who met these criteria were allowed as witnesses, who were willing to admit that they were offended, who were willing to consider themselves an object of hatred and demand punishment.

Such social construction did not suit the defense side. Lawyer Violetta Volkova began to say that the group "Orthodox Christians" is not united at all: "It is not clear why Orthodox believers are singled out in one group! There are many groups among the Orthodox, and they are unfriendly to each other. " 49 In her closing speech, Nadezhda Tolokonnikova tried to give a different interpretation of the category "believer", to emphasize the importance of compassion and mercy for any Christian:

..I know that now a huge number of Orthodox people are speaking out for us, in particular, they are praying for us at the court, praying for the imprisoned members of the Pussy Riot group. We were shown the little books that these Orthodox people distribute, with the prayer contained in these books for those who are in prison. This alone shows that there is no single social group of Orthodox believers, as the prosecution is trying to present. It doesn't exist. And now more and more believers are taking the side of defending the Pussy Riot group. They believe that what we did is not worth five months in a pre-trial detention center, and even more so, it is not worth three years in prison, as Mr. prosecutor wants 50.

According to Nadezhda Tolokonnikova, the "Orthodox believers" constructed by the court can hardly be recognized as such: "Christ was not with harlots for nothing. He said: we need to help those who stumble, and I forgive them. But for some reason, I do not see this in our trial, which is taking place under the banner of Christianity. It seems to me that the prosecution is trampling on Christianity!"51 That is the interpretation of the Tolo Court-

The Pussy Riot case: the sixth day is over, the parties are preparing for the debate.

Kostyuchenko E. 50. "The so-called process": the last word of Nadezhda Tolokonnikova, Maria Alyokhina and Ekaterina Samutsevich / / Novaya Gazeta. N 89. 10.08.2012 [http://www.novayagazeta.ru/society/53903.html, accessed from 16.02.2013].

51. Ibid.

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Konnikova tried to contrast her own vision of who a true Christian is. In the interpretation of the defense and the accused, a much greater emphasis was placed on mercy, forgiveness, and compassion when constructing the Orthodox Christians group.

This brief review shows how first the investigation, and then the court, resolved ambiguous (about) theological issues raised in connection with the Pussy Riot case. In fact, they did not so much solve them, as they put in place the border suspended by the "punk prayer", thereby confirming the course towards the model of post-secularism that the state has been trying to build in recent years. However, the questions raised by the "punk prayer" - what is a real prayer, what is a real church, who is a real Christian-hardly disappeared after the verdict was passed, so we can predict with a reasonable degree of confidence that the temporary calm on the religious / secular border will soon be blown up again by supporters of different answers and a different normative approach. images of post-secularism. And the state, in turn, will again have to take on an unusual "theological task".

"Punk prayer" and post-secular hybrids

The second interesting story concerning the Pussy Riot case, in the development of which the court and the investigation again had to play a key role, is what I call the post - secular hybrids that are characteristic of the post-secular situation and which were revealed in the case materials.

Let's start with a theoretical digression. What do we mean by "post-secular hybrid"? As is well known, one of the most notable manifestations of secularization was the process of so-called "institutional segregation of religion", which, in turn, was caused by more general processes of social differentiation. In the most general sense, social differentiation is the process of complicating society through its specialization: each function of society has its own institution responsible for it.52 As Karel Dobbelere explains, as a result of modernization, society is differentiated along the following lines:

Wilson B. 52. Religion in Secular Society: a Sociological Comment. Watts, 1966. P. 56; Berger P.L. The Social Reality of Religion. Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1969. P. 113.

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Each subsystem operates on the basis of its own mediating element (money, power, truth, love), as well as on the basis of its own values (success, separation of powers, reliability and reliability, the primary importance of love, etc.) and on the basis of its own functional lines, the corresponding functional subsystems develop (economy, politics, science, family, etc.). norm 53. Such a modern socially differentiated society is contrasted with the traditional one as a "social order regulated by religious requirements" 54. Accordingly, in the process of secularization, the social order is freed from religious requirements, and each of its subsystems gains autonomy (including religion itself).

The transition to post-secularism leads to a further transformation of this socially differentiated society. However, this transformation does not lead to a return to the pre-modern situation of a "social order regulated by religious requirements", but rather to the situation of the emergence of post-secular hybrids, when there is an interpenetration of religion and subsystems of society that were once separate from it. Talal Asad was one of the first to notice this. With reference to the long-recognized fact in the scientific literature of the "revival of religion" and its transformation into one of the key factors in both domestic and foreign policy, he states:: "If religion becomes an integral part of modern politics, it means that it can no longer be indifferent to discussions about what kind of economy should be, what scientific projects should receive funding, what should be the strategic goals of the state education system. The legitimate intrusion of religion into these debates leads to the emergence of modern "hybrids": the principle of structural differentiation - according to which religion, economics, education, and science are localized in autonomous social spaces - is no longer valid. " 55
Dobbelaere K. 53. Towards an Integrated Perspective of the Processes Related to the Descriptive Concept of Secularization//The Secularization Debate (Eds. W. H. Swatos, D. V. A. Olson). Lanham, Boulder, N. Y, Oxford: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc., 2000. P. 22 - 23.

Wilson B. 54. Contemporary transformations of religion. Oxford: Clarendon press, 1976. P. 10.

Asad T. 55. Formations of the secular: Christianity, Islam, Modernity. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2003. P. 182.

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This process has also affected Russia. The Pussy Riot case has highlighted some very striking Russian " post-secular hybrids." I'm going to look at three of them: the intersection of religious and political spheres; religion as a part of the social order; and religious experts of different faiths.

The intersection of religious and political spheres

The most obvious "post-secular hybrid" of post-Soviet Russia is the formation of complex mechanisms for the intersection of political and religious spheres, which some call "clericalization of the Russian state", and others - "fruitful interaction between state institutions and representatives of traditional Russian faiths and institutions representing them". From the point of view of the theory of desecularization, 56 the Russian political regime can be considered an example of a "desecularization regime". This term, to use the terminology of Vyacheslav Karpov, refers to "a certain normative and political-ideological mode of action through which desecularization is carried out, expanded and maintained"57.

"Punk prayer", if you follow the thoughts of the band members, was directed against the "post-secular hybrid" that develops as a result of the actions of the "desecularization regime". The essence of this hybrid, as interpreted by Pussy Riot, is as follows: the rapprochement between the Presidential Administration and the Moscow Patriarchate, when the former receives moral and spiritual support in the fight against the opposition, and the latter receives political influence and economic benefits. The members of the punk band motivated their actions in the temple with "indignation". In particular, Nadezhda Tolokonnikova in her closing speech cites the words of the patriarch that outraged her: "Look at what Patriarch Kirill says: ' Orthodox people don't go to meetings' " 58.

56. For more information about the concept of desecularization, see: Karpov V. Conceptual foundations of the theory of desecularization.

Karpov V. 57. Kontseptual'nye osnovy teorii desekularizatsii [Conceptual foundations of the theory of desecularization].

58. "The so-called trial": the last word of Nadezhda Tolokonnikova, Maria Alyokhina and Ekaterina Samutsevich / / Novaya Gazeta. No. 89 of August 10, 2012 [http://www.novayagazeta.ru/society/53903.html, accessed from 16.02.2013]. This is a reference to the words of Patriarch Kirill "Orthodox people do not know how to go to demonstrations", said in an address to the faithful on the third anniversary of the intro-

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During the interrogation, she clearly explains the motives of her behavior in the XXC: "We sang part of the chorus and' holy shit.' I did and still do apologize if I offended anyone with this. But I had no intention of offending. This idiomatic expression referred to the previous verse-about the merging of the Moscow Patriarchate and the state, Putin and Kirill. "Holy Shit" is our assessment of the situation in the state"59. Ekaterina Samutsevich describes and criticizes her vision of a "post-secular hybrid" in the most detailed way in her closing speech, which literally refers to the "intersection of religious and political spheres" 60.

In the logic of the band members, their "punk prayer" was a blow to the intersection of religious and political spheres, which is offered to Russia by the "desecularization regime". If we go back to Vyacheslav Karpov's article, the Pussy Riot campaign in this sense can be considered in the logic of the typology of "grassroots" reactions to the establishment of" top " desecularization regimes 61. Apparently, such a significant response and such a painful reaction to the "punk prayer" was due to the fact that it became an encroachment on the process of controlled hybridization of politics and religion controlled from above. It is understood that controlled hybridization can occur only in the forms and only through the channels that have been officially or unofficially sanctioned. Orthodoxy and Christianity in general can increase their influence on society, but only in sanctioned, escorted and politically secure forms. Any other hybridization is outlawed and prosecuted.

Ekaterina Samutsevich drew attention to this point in her closing speech: "In our speech, we dared to combine the visual image of Orthodox culture and protest culture without the blessing of the Patriarch, bringing smart people

locations [http://top.rbc.ru/society/02/02/2012/635egi.shtml, accessed from 16.02.2013].

Kostyuchenko E. 59. The seventh day of the Pussy Riot trial.

60. See:" The so-called trial": the last word of Nadezhda Tolokonnikova, Maria Alyokhina and Ekaterina Samutsevich.

61. If we use the classification of Vyacheslav Karpov, then the punk prayer turns out to be a reaction that combines elements of an "innovative" strategy with a "riot" strategy. See: Karpov V. Conceptual foundations of the theory of desecularization. p. 146.

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people think that the Orthodox culture belongs not only to the Russian Orthodox Church, the Patriarch and Putin - it can also be on the side of civil revolt and protest moods in Russia"62. In their speech, Pussy Riot questioned the authority of both church and secular authorities, saying that Christianity and Orthodoxy do not belong only to them, that Christianity is multidimensional, and that it does not necessarily have to follow the "pro-government" model of post-secularism.

The fundamental point about the" punk prayer " is that it was not directed against the very possibility of the intersection of religious and political spheres, it was not directed against the very possibility of post-secular hybrids as such. He was directed against the concrete embodiment of the post-secular hybrid-the symphony of the state and the church - and put forward as an alternative a different type of hybrid, in which Orthodox culture is on the side of civil protest (that is, in the logic of our article, he contrasted the" oppositional "model of post-secularism with the"pro-government" one). In this sense, Pussy Riot offered a radically different, innovative response to the situation of post-secularism: instead of the classic secular reaction, which implies the desire to break up the emerging post-secular hybrids and once again separate religion from what it had already intertwined with, the punk band, acting in the logic of new post-secular realities, tried to oppose one hybrid to another.

Apparently, in the context of post-secularism, it is not a question of restoring old, stable borders and overcoming hybridity as such; it is a question of choosing between different hybrids. Instead of the "Pussy Riot" hybrid they rejected, they offered their own: the "punk prayer" was an act of appropriating religious content and using religious space in order to redirect it in a different direction, not sanctioned by the authorities. To direct the content of Christianity against the policy pursued in the country-that was the main radicalism of the action.

Apparently, it is precisely with this radical course of the "punk prayer" to build alternative mechanisms that the cross-border between the two countries is connected.-

62." The so-called trial": the last word of Nadezhda Tolokonnikova, Maria Alyokhina and Ekaterina Samutsevich.

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This was due to the reluctance of experts, the prosecution, or the court to see an obvious political component in the" punk prayer". The depoliticization of the action was one of the internal semantic threads that connected the entire judicial process - from the investigation to the sentencing-in a single chain. Here, in particular, is how experts depoliticize the action:

An analysis of the text of the song under study by the members of the Pussy Riot group as a whole reveals the obvious artificiality and logical groundlessness of including the following text fragment in the song, based on its general semantic composition, placed at the beginning of the song text and repeated at the end: "Virgin, Virgin, send Putin away send Putin away. Send Putin away."

The specified text fragment looks completely extraneous and out of context of the song under study, which is meaningfully devoted to insults and bullying against not Putin, but a social group of Orthodox believers. At the same time, the specified fragment, taking into account that offensive words and expressions are not used in relation to the specified person in the song (unlike other persons mentioned in the song), can only indicate that the motive for committing an action based on political hatred or hostility is complementary and secondary.

The surname "Putin" was used by the participants of the action, with a high probability, in order to create grounds for the subsequent artificial positioning of this action as an expression of political protest against the authorities, against top officials, etc., in order to present themselves as "prisoners of conscience, persecuted by the authorities for criticism" , etc., realizing the possibility of responsibility for holding the action and anticipating the onset of such responsibility. In fact, this is a well-known "de-responsibility" technique, which is a common trick 63.

The same depoliticization strategy is used by the prosecutor, who actually repeats the logic of experts:

63. Conclusion of the Commission of Experts (on criminal case No. 177 070), pp. 18-19. A scan of the text of the examination was published in the LiveJournal of lawyer Mark Feygin: http://mark-feygin.livejournal.com/89127.html (accessed from 16.02.2013).

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Statements from the accused about the political motive of the action are untenable. None of the politicians ' names were mentioned in the church. Analysis of the song revealed the obvious artificiality of including in the text the expression " Virgin Mary, send Putin away!", dedicated specifically to insulting the feelings of Orthodox believers. Putin's name was mentioned only to create a prerequisite for the subsequent attempt to position the action as a protest against the highest officials of the government.64
The same logic applies to victims ' lawyers. Lawyer Lev Lyalin:

When I entered the case, a civil turning point occurred in my mind. I understood what a civil war is. The media is filled with shouts about politics, about political prisoners: "The girls are not to blame...But there was no politics - there was dirt!65

The judge in the verdict clearly agreed with the depoliticizing interpretation:

There was no music or singing. There was a chant. There was no political motive, there were no slogans, and there were actions insulting believers. This is not the way to behave in a temple.

The arguments of the accused and their lawyers that the political implications of the "punk prayer" could not be ignored were rejected almost unconditionally by the court. As a result, Pussy Riot lawyer Violetta Volkova was forced to state: "The court is trying to move away from politics into the criminal sphere, but the girls are not judged for bright dresses and the wrong sign of the cross - they are judged for prayer, and this prayer is political. This nail, to which it is a sin to turn your back, is now hammered into the Constitution, and it is bleeding. The church has been turned into a monument on the grave of justice, the rule of law, and human rights that were mockingly violated."66 Nadezhda Tolokonnikova summed up the trial with the following words: "We are in great pain. They don't hear us. " 67
Kostyuchenko E. 64. The seventh day of the Pussy Riot case hearings.

65. Ibid.

Kostyuchenko E. 66. The seventh day of the Pussy Riot case hearings.

Kostyuchenko E. 67. The Pussy Riot case: the sixth day is over.

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Both the court and the investigation sought to strip the "punk prayer" of its most radical dimension. The post-secular hybrid connected with the intersection of religious and political spheres, the contours of which were seen in this action, had to be destroyed. It was necessary to separate the unauthorized interweaving of religion and politics, showing that in the "punk prayer" there was nothing but hatred of Orthodoxy, the formal cover for which was some minor political overtones. Just as Pussy Riot destroyed the post-secular hybrid created by the Russian" desecularization regime, "so the court had to destroy the hybrid that claimed to be its alternative.

In post-secularism, religion and politics are intertwined, they can no longer be separated, but a number of questions immediately arise: who controls the conditions of this plexus? Who determines the legal channels through which it can flow? Finally, who can be recognized as a legitimate actor in this new post-secular space?

Religion as part of public order

The second post-secular hybrid, which was clearly revealed during the Pussy Riot trial, is the intersection (or overlap) of internal norms of religious communities and universal norms of the national order. During the proceedings, the question was raised squarely: can the internal norms of religious communities in a secular state be considered part of public order and social norms, for violation of which you can go to prison? In short, is it possible to go to jail for violating the rules of the Trull Cathedral? 68

This problem was clearly identified in an open letter from a group of Russian lawyers immediately after the publication of the text of the Indictment by the investigation. In particular, the lawyers wrote::

68. The provisions of the Trull Cathedral were cited in the third expert examination, which formed the basis of the Indictment, as evidence of violations of the rules of conduct in the church by the members of the punk band.

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Nadezhda Tolokonnikova, Maria Alyokhina and Ekaterina Samutsevich are accused of violating the rules of conduct in an Orthodox church and thereby showing "clear disrespect for the faithful visitors and servants of the church", "deeply insulted and humiliated the feelings and religious guidelines of the faithful Orthodox citizens", "opposed themselves to the Orthodox world", " demonstratively and demonstratively they tried to devalue the church traditions and dogmas that have been protected and revered for centuries." In the published accusation of the members of the PussyRiot group, there is not a word about actions that violate public order and encroach on public safety.

The investigation accuses them not of encroaching on national order and public security, but of violating the rules and traditions of the Orthodox Church. Their behavior does not contradict the national order, does not undermine public security: the regulations and prohibitions that they violated apply only to the territory of an Orthodox church. If they had done the same thing outside the church, they could not have been charged with anything: the investigation does not indicate that they violated any other rules than those of the church.

Recognizing their actions as "hooliganism" equates the rules of the Orthodox Church with the general state order, and means that the Orthodox Church is an integral part of the state. The indictment of Nadezhda Tolokonnikova, Maria Alyokhina and Ekaterina Samutsevich for "hooliganism" not only violates the Criminal Code, but also contradicts the secular nature of our state, as enshrined in article 14 of the Russian Constitution.69
The argument of the supporters of this post-secular hybrid, which is associated with "equating the rules of the Orthodox Church with the general state order" and recognizing that "the Orthodox Church is an integral part of the state", was as follows (I quote the expert opinion): "It is important to note that the state supported the action... internal regulations of religious organizations by a legal norm of item 2 of Article 15 of the Federal Law

69. Open letter// Novaya Gazeta. 02.08.2012 [http://www.novayagazeta.ru/news/58750.html, доступ от 16.02.2013].

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"On Freedom of Conscience and Religious Associations" No. 125-FZ of September 26, 1997 (with subsequent amendments), which establishes that the state respects the internal regulations of religious organizations, if these regulations do not contradict the legislation of the Russian Federation."70
In its decision, the court actually sanctioned this post-secular hybrid, ruling that " reference to church norms, in particular rules of conduct in the Church, church terms, is used only to the extent and solely to determine whether there is or is not a violation of public order and a motive for religious hatred and hostility in the actions of the defendants."71. The consequence of this argument is that from now on the rules of the Council of Trull, as well as those of all other councils, may well be recognized as norms of public order.

Just as earlier the court sought to destroy the post-secular hybrid that was seen in the "punk prayer" and concerned the intersection of religious and political spheres, now the lawyers of the accused tried in every possible way to destroy the post-secular hybrid that was sanctioned by the court. In particular, one of the lawyers pointed out that "only published norms apply. Where is the Trull Cathedral published? Why do we refer to ancient legal norms? We cannot live according to the norms of Hamurappi, because there they cut off our hands for stealing, and this does not correspond to our ideas of humanism. " 72
The Pussy Riot case marked the course of integrating the norms of religious communities into the complex of ideas about public order. And we are talking not only about Orthodoxy, but about all the traditional confessions of Russia. In particular, the court took very seriously the position of the representative of the Council of Muftis of Russia, who in his letter dated 03.04.2012 noted::

From the point of view of the canons of Islam, the uncoordinated public action that took place on 21.02.2012 in the Cathedral of Christ the Saviour, refers to those who are condemned and demand publicly-

70. Conclusion of the Commission of Experts (on criminal case No. 177 070), p. 8.

71. Verdict in the Pussy Riot case [http://ru.wikisource.org, accessed from 16.02.2013].

72. Seventh day of the Pussy Riot hearing.

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apologies to the feelings of believers. Of course, any temple carries sanctity, it has a corresponding sublime atmosphere, which should be supported, protected and sacredly preserved by those who find themselves in it. Such a bacchanal discredits the status of the church, challenges the traditional way of life and the centuries-old traditions of the peoples of our country. It is clear that such behavior, not only within the walls of a religious temple, but also outside it, is sinful and reprehensible from the point of view of Muslim culture.73
In the case file - in particular, in the "Indictment" - there was such an expression as "the spiritual foundations of the state" 74, which, from the point of view of the prosecution, were encroached upon by Pussy Riot. The "spiritual foundations" in the case file are already a direct recognition of Orthodoxy as an integral part of the state. And although this expression disappears from the text of the court verdict, the general pathos of the trial indicates that it was directed primarily against the belittling of the "spiritual basis" by the "punk prayer".

Confessional experts

The third post-secular hybrid that emerged in the Pussy Riot case was the figure of a "confessional expert", that is, an expert with some confessional sympathies. In this case, the authors of the third expert examination (V. Y. Troitsky, V. V. Abramenkova, I. V. Ponkin) acted as such. It was they who ultimately played a key role in shaping the final logic of the prosecution, it was they who gave the investigation the wording with which the punk band was convicted as a result of a rather short process (in particular, pointing out the violation of the Apostolic Rules and the rules of church councils), and it was they who came to the two previous examinations conducted by SUE "CIAT" 75 did not give any grounds

73. See the text of the Verdict.

74. Indictment in the Pussy Riot case / / Wikiteca [http://ru.wikisource.org, accessed from 16.02.2013].

75. The "Center for Information and Analytical Technologies" is a structure created by the Moscow Government and the Moscow Region Administration, which specializes, among other things, in expert activities. Employees of the podgoto center-

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to accuse the Pussy Riot members of committing a criminal offense.

The figure of a religious expert as part of the"ideological apparatus of the state" 76, whose task is to draw a line in the interests of the state that separates religion from what does not belong to religion, thereby exercising a semblance of police control over the latter, has already been described in detail77. However, in the Pussy Riot case, we can see how this figure is transformed: secular experts were needed in the context of the dominance of secular ideas, but in the situation of transition to post-secularism, the state needs a slightly different "ideological apparatus". This apparatus should be adapted to the policy and strategic objectives of the "desecularization regime". The "confessional expert" is precisely the personification of a new quality of the "ideological apparatus": after all, now it is necessary not to separate religion from the social subsystems that are fundamentally separate from it, but, on the contrary, to promote the formation of correct post-secular hybrids.

The Pussy Riot case legitimized the expert examination, which has a clear confessional bias. The lawyers of the accused spent several hours trying to prove the baselessness of the expert examination and the dubiousness of the figures of the selected experts. So, in particular, Mark Feygin found out that " expert Ponkin had a connection with a certain M. N. Kuznetsov, representing the interests of Potankin - the victim

Two expert examinations were conducted in the Pussy Riot case, containing conclusions that do not give any grounds for criminal prosecution of the participants of the "punk prayer". The text of the expert examinations can be found here: The first expert examination of the State Unitary Enterprise "CIAT" in the PUSSY RIOT case / / LJ Mark Feigin. 19.07.2012. http://mark-feygin.livejournal.com/93368.html [accessed from 10.04.2012]; The second expert examination of the State Unitary Enterprise "CIAT" in the PUSSY RIOT case. 19.07.2012. http://mark-feygin.livejournal.com/93621.html [accessed on 10.04.2012].

76. The concept of the "ideological apparatus of the state" was introduced by Louis Althusser to better understand the nature of the functioning of the system of state coercion, which operates not only through violence, but also through ideology: "the repressive state apparatus" functions with the use of violence", while the ideological apparatuses of the state function "with the use of ideology" " (Althusser L. Ideology and ideological apparatuses of the state (notes for research) / / Inviolable reserve, 2011. N3 (77).

77. On religious scholars as part of the "ideological apparatus of the state", see: Fitzgerald T. Playing Language Games and Performing Rituals: Religious Studies as Ideological State Apparatus // Method & Theory in the Study of Religion. 2004. Vol. 15.

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from the actions of a punk band in this process." Feygin gave evidence of this: "Ponkin defended his dissertation for Doctor of Law, and his consultant was Doctor of Law Kuznetsov. Dissertation - " Modern secular state. Constitutional and Legal research". Moreover, these individuals have joint books: "A dishonest discussion about religious education in a secular school: lies, substitutions, aggressive xenophobia" and "On the right to critical evaluation of homosexuality" " 78. However, the judge did not allow herself to doubt the expert examination or call expert Ponkin for clarification. In doing so, it defended the post-secular hybrid that had crystallized in the trial, preventing the defense from breaking the link between secular science and confessional engagement that was unacceptable for secular consciousness.

Conclusion

The article examines various conflicting interpretations concerning both the religious / secular boundary and what we have called "post-secular hybrids". These conflicting readings create alternative normative images of post-secularism, which different groups struggle to embody. We have identified two such normative images: "pro-government" and "opposition". I would like to emphasize once again: today we are not talking about a choice between dangerous post-secularism and a salutary return to the former situation of a socially differentiated society, but that the main choice in today's situation is a choice between different models of post-secularism, between different forms that can and should take, in particular, the hybridization of religion and politics social order and religious norms, secular knowledge and religious affiliation, as well as between different variants of drawing the always contested religious/secular border. The logic of post-secularism dictated by the "desecularization regime" is not the only possible one, as the materials of the Pussy Riot case show. The trial of the participants of the "punk prayer" became an arena of struggle for supporters of different images of post-secularism. And the outcome of this struggle

78. The sixth day of the Pussy Riot trial.

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It's not a foregone conclusion yet - the "punk prayer" has raised questions that the state, the church, and society will still have to find answers to

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